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0> TMI 










JCing's Most Excellent Majesty ; 




His Majestit's Dominions in the West Indies; 







BY HIS M A J E S T Y's_ 



3d June, 1793. 


a 2 





JL HE difcovciy of a new hcmi^hcre hf 
Chriftopher Columbus^ and die progrefs of 
the Spaniards in the conqueft of it^ have been 
dcfervedly the theme of a long feries of hiflo-r 
ries in the feveral }ai}guag<;s pf Europe ; and 
the fubje<^ has been recently refumed gnd ij-r 
luftratf 4 by % celebrated Writcf among ourt? 
felves. — It i$ not tthprefore ipy inteptipn tQ 
tread ^g^ih fo beaten a tracks by the repital 
of occurrences of which few cjin be ignQrant^ 
if the poblfft (Bx?rtipns pf the human mind, 
producing; events the nipft fingular and iinpor-^ 
tant in me hiftory of the world* ar^ gircum- 
ftanccs deferving admiration and inquiry^ 

My. attempt, whiph I fepl to 1^ fuffipiently 
arduous, iSf / . 

To prefect the reader with an hiftorical ac- 
count pf the origin and progrefs of the fettle-* 
ments madp by our own nation in the Well 
Jndian iflands y. — 

To explain their ppuftifutippaj qftabliib-? 
ments, intejrn^ governments, find the politi-? 
cal iyftem niaintained by Great Britain toward^ 
them;— r- 

Tp defcribe the manners and diippfitioi)s of 
dip p^efent inhabitants, as influenced by cli? 



inate, fituation» and other local caufes; com- 
prehending in this part of my book an account 
of the African (lave trade, fome obfervations 
on the negro character and genius, and reflec- 
tions on the {yAcmvf flavery eflablifhed in our 
colonies ;— 

To fumifh a more comprehenfive account 
than has hidierto appeared of theamculture 
of the Sugar Iflands in general, and of their 
rich and valuable ftaple commodities, fugar, 
indigo, coflfee, and cotton, in particular; — • 

To dilplay the various and widely extended 
branches of their commerce ; pointing out the 
relations of each towards the other, and to- 
wards the feveral great interefts, the manu- 
factures, navigation, revenues, and lands of 
Great Britain :— 

Thefe, together with feveral collateral dif- 
quifitions, are the topics on which I have en- 
. deavoured to coUeft, and convey to the pub- 
lic, ufeiiil and accceptable infcmnation. Their 
importance will not be difputed, and I have 
only . to lamient that my abilities are not more 
equal to the tafk I have undertaken. 

But, before I proceed to inveftigations 
merely political and commercial, I have ven- 
tured on a retrofpeiftive furvey of the ftate and 
condition of the Weft Indian ifUnds when firft 
difcovered by Columbus ; and I have endea- 
voured to delineate the moft prominent fea- 
tures in. the charadler and genius of their an- 
cient inhabitants. I was led to a refearch of 


P R t F A G t vil 

this nature, not merely for the purpofe of 
giving uniformity to my work, but becaufe^ 
having rcfided many years ifl the countriesf of 
which I write, I prefume to think that I ^itti 
ibmewhat better qualified to judge of the in-' 
fluence of climate arid fituatidn, on the fiKfw 
pofition, temper, and intelleds of their iriha-* 
pitants, than many df thofe writers, who, 
without the fstfne advantage, have undertaken 
to compile fyftems, and eftabliih conclufions^ 
on this fubjedt. I conceive that, unlefs m , 
author has had the beriefit of aftual (Sxperience 
and perfonal obfervation, neither genius nor 
induftry can ^t all times enable him to guard 
agiinft the miftakes and mifreprefentations of 
prejudiced, ignorant, or interefted jnen j tg 
whofe authority he fubmits, merely from the 
want of advantages vdiich thbfe who have 
pofleflcd them have perverted. He is liable 
even to be milled by preceding authors, who 
have undertaken, on no better foundation than 
himfelf, to compile hiftories and form fyfteme 
on the fame fubjedt ; for when plauiible the- 
ories are deduced, with ingenuity and elo- 
quence, from fadfcs confidently aflcrted ; he 
fufpeds not, or, if he fufpefts, is cautious of 
aflcrting, that the foundation itfelf (as it fre^ 
quently happens) is without fupport ; that no 
fuch fefts aftually exift, or, if cxifting, are 
accidental and local peculiarities only,*— not^ 
pfemifes of fufficient extent and' importanc?. 
whereon to ground general conclufions andJ^f- 
t^matical combinations. ^ ,^ , 

I have 


I have been induced to make this remark 
from perufing the fpeculations of Monf* Bu£« 
fon and fome other French theorifts^ on the 
fondition and character of the America na-» 
dons. Whether from a dcfire to leiTen the. 
ftrong abhorrence of all mankind at the cruel*- 
tieaexercifed by the Spaniards in the conqueft 
of the New World, or from a ftrange affeda- 
tion of paradox and iingularity, falfely claim* 
ing the honours of phHofophy, thofe writers 
liave ventured to aflert, that the air and cli- 
mate, or other phyiical phenomena, retard the 
growth of animated nature in the New He- 
mifphere, axKl prevent the natives from at- 
taimng to thatperfe&ion at which mankind ar- 
rive in the other quarters of the globe. Not- 
withftanding the variety of foil, climate, and 
fcafons, which prevail in the fevcral great pro- 
vinces of North and South America ; — not- 
^ithftanding that the aboriginal inhabitants 
were divided into a great many different 
tribes, and diftinguifhed alfo by many different 
languages ; it is pretended that all thofe vari- 
Qus tribes, were uniformly inferior, in the fa- 
culties of the mind and the capacity of im- 
provement, to the refl of the human fpecies ; 
that they were creatm-es of no confideration 
in the book of Nature ;— denied the refined 
invigorating fentimcnt of love, — and not pof- 
feflirig even any very powerful degree of ani- 
mal defir^ towards multiplying their fpecies. 
The author of a lyflein entitled * Recherches 
PhikfophiquesfurlesAmericains'Ai^clz^ts^ with^ 



unexampled arrogance, that there never had 
been found, throughout the whole extent of 
the New World, a fingle individual of fupe- 
rior fagacity to the reft. And the fcope of his ^ 
trcatife is to demonftrate, that t;jbe poor fa** 
vagcs were adhiated, not by re^on, but by i 
fort of animal inftinft ; that Nature, having 
beftowed on the vvhole fpecies a certain fmall 
degree of intelle6t^ to which they all indivi- 
dually attain, placed an infurmountable barrier 
againfl their further progrefs :— of courfe, that 
they are not (properly fpeaking) men, but be- 
ings of a fecondary and fubordinate rank in the 
fcde of creation. 

Although our own learned Hiftorian* is 
much too enlightened to adopt, in their fiiUeft 
extent, thefe opinions ;— wnich cannot, in- 
deed, be read without indignation ;— yet it 
is impoflible to deny, that they have had fome 
degree of influence in the general eftimate 
wmch he has framed of the American charac- 
ter : for he afcribes to all the natives of the 
New World many of thofe imperfedions on 
which the iyftem in queflion is founded ; and 
repeatedly aiferts, '* that the qualities belong- 
ing to the people of aii the diflferent tribes 
may be paintca with the fame features -f/' 
With this bias on his pen, it is not wonderful 
that the author is fometimes chargeable with 
repugnancy and contradi<£tion. Thus we are 
told that ** the Americans are, in an amazing 


•^ Dr. Kobertfon. 

t lliftorj of America, VoL I. p. 28b and 28}4 


Guacanahari at their head. Inftead of taking 
advantage of the diftrefs in which they beheld 
the Spaniards, to attempt any thing to their 
detriment, they lamented their ihisfortune with 
tears of Jincere condolance. Not fatisficd with 
this unavailing expreflion of their fympathy, 
they put to fea a vaft number of canoes, and, 
under the diredion of the Spaniards, affifted in 
iaving whatever could be got out of the wreck ; 
and by the united labour of fo many hands, 
almoft every thing of value was carried afhore^ 
Guacanahari in perfon took charge of the goods, 
and prevented tne multitude not only fix)m em* 
bezzling, but even from infpedting too curi* 
oufly what belonged to their guefts. Next 
morning this prince vifited Columbus, and^n-^ 
deavoured to confole him for his lofs by offering all 
that be poffiffed to repair it^'* 

Thus exceptions prcfent thcmfelves to 

every general conclufion, until we are bur- 

thencd with their variety :.-- TAnd at laft we 

end juft where we began ; for the wonderfiil 

uniformity which is faid to have diftinguifhed 

the American Indians, appears to be as little 

Ibunded in nature, as it is fupported by analogy^ 

Of the other branches ot my work, great 

part, I prefume to think, will be new to many 

of my readers. I have not met with anv book 

that even pretends to furnifh a compreneniive 

and fadsfedtory account of the origin and pro-r 

grefs of our national fettlements in the tropical 

parts of America. The fyftem of agriculture 

pr3<^ifcd in the Weft Indies, is almoft as much 


? R E iP A C E. %iii 

Unknown to the people of Great Britain ad 
that of Japan. They know, indeed, that fu«* 
gar, and indigo^ and coffee^ and cotton^ ard 
raifed and produced there ; but they are very 
generally, and to a furprifing degree, tinitt** 
formed concerning the method by-which thofe 
and other taluable conimodiide^ are cultivated 
and brbujght to pcrfedtion. So remarkable in- 
deed is the want of information in this refpe<^» 
even among perfons of the moft extenfive ge«^ 
iieral knowledge, that in a law queftion which 
came by appeal firom one of the Sugar Iflands a 
few years ago, the noble and learned lord who 
pre£ded at the hearing, thinking it neceffary to 
give fome account crif the nature of rum and 
lAel^iTes (niuch. being ilated in the pleadings 
Concerning the valud of thofe commodities) aff 
furedhis auditors with great folemnity, that 
'^ Qiel^es^was the raw and unconcoded juice 
extrad:ed from the cane> and from which fu>» 
gar was afterwards made by boiling*!" 

On the fubje<9: of the flave trade> and its 
concomitant circumfbnces, fo much has been 
iaid of late by others, that it may be fuppofed 
there remains but little to be added by me. It is 
certain, however^ that my account, both of 
the trade and the fituation of the enflaved 
negroes in the Britifh colonies, differs very 
cffentially from the reprefcntations that have 
been given* not only in a great variety of 
pamphlets . and other publications, but al£> 
oy many^ of the witneffes that were examined 


' • .1 give tills anecdote on-tKe authority of a Jamaica gen* 
tleman^ho "was prefent ', a perfon of undoubted Veracity^ 



before the houfe of commons. The public 
muft judge between us, and I fhould be ih 
ho pain ^out the refult, if the.charaAers of 
fome of thofc pcrfons who have flood forth 
on this occaiion as accufers of the reiident 
planters, were as well known in Great Britain, 
as they are in the Weft Indips. What I hav<? 
written on thefe fubjeds has at leaft this ad«» 
vantage, that great part of my obfervations are 
founded on perfonal knowledge and adual ex<- 
perience : and with regard to the manners and 
difpofitions of the native Afiic^ns, as diftin^ 
guiOied by national habits, and chaiiad:eriftic 
features, I venture to think, that my remarks 
will be found both new and interefting^ 

After all, my firft objed has been trudi, 
not. novelty. I have endeavoured to colle£k 
ufeful knowledge whercfoever it lay, and 
when I found books that could fupply what 
I fought, I have fometimes been content to 
adopt, without alteration, what was thus fur* 
nifhed to my hands. |Thus, extracts and paf- 
fagcs from former writers occupy fome of my 
pages; and not having always been careful to 
note the authorities to which I reforted, I find 
it now too late to afcertain the full extent of 
my obligations of this kind. They may be 
traced moft frequently, I believe, in the firft 
and laft parts of my work : In the firft, be- 
caufe, when I began my tafk, I had lefs con- 
fidence in my own refources than I found after- 
wards, when pradlice had rendered writing 
familiar to me ; and in the laft, becaufe, when 


P R E F A C Ev 

my labours grew near to 'a conclufion) I be- 
came weary^iand was glad to get afliilance 
wherefoever it offered, \ 

Froqi /n;iVr^ rather than from written infor- 
mation, however, have I generally fought 
afliftance, when my own re§)urces have prov- 
ed deficient; and it is my good fortune to 
boafl an acquaintance with men, ta whom, for 
local and conunercial knowledge, our flatef- 
men and fenators might reibrt, with credit to 
themfelves and advantage to the public. On 
this ocafion, neither the gratitude which I owe 
for favours beflowed, nor the "pride which I 
feel from the honour of his fricndfhip, will 
allow me to conceal the name of Edward 
Long, Efquire, the author of the Jamaica . 
Hiflory, to whom I am fkil and principally 
injicbted ; and who, with the liberality wnich 
always accompanies true genius, has been as 
careful to correct my errors, and arduous to 
fupply my defe&s, as if his own well-earned 
reputation had depended on the ifTue. 

For gre^ part of the materials which com- 
pofe thjC Hiflory of Grenada, I am under obli- 
gations to Thomas Campbell, Efq. fprmerly *^ 
ibeaker of the afTcmbly of that ifland, who, 
tnrough means of a friend, furnifhed fuch 
anfwers to queries that I fent him, as encou- 
rage me to prefcfit that portion of my work 
to the public with a confidence which I dare 
not alTume in my account of fome other of the 
iHands. Yet, even with regard to moft of 
thcfe, I have no caufe to complaih that aflifl- 



Kvi P R E F A C E. 

Hiice has been oftentimes denied me. Con^ 
' ccrning Barbadoes and Saint Chriftopher's in 
particular, I have been favoured with much 
accurate and acceptable inforaiation, l)y John 
. Braithwaite and Alexander Douglas, Efquires, 
gentlemen who arc intimately acquainted with 
the concerns of thofe colonies ; and the polite 
and chearful readinefs v^'ith which they iatisfied 
my enquiries, entitle them to this public tefH- 
mony of my thanks. 

The fame tribute is moft juftly due to Ben- 
jamin Vaughan and George Hibbert, Efquires, 
merchants of London, for many excellent and 
important remarks, and much valuable mat- 
ter ; which, at length, have enabled me to 
look back on the commercial difquifitions in 
the laft book, with a degree of fatisfiidion that 
at one period I delpaired of obtaining ; being 
well apprized that this part of my work will, 
. on many accounts, be moft obnoxious tq criti- 
cifm. That it is now rendered free fix)m mif- 
takes, I do not indeed pretend. In all re- 
fcarchfts of a political and commercial nature, 
the beft authorities arc fometimes fallible ; and 
there is frequently much difFercnoe both in 
general opinion and particular computation be- 
tween thofe who are, equally folicitous for the 
difcovery of truth. The fadls, however, that 
I have colleded cannot fail to be of ufe, whe- 
ther the conclufions I have drawn from them 
be well founded or not. 

I mighf here clofe this introduftory difcourfe, 
and leave my book to the candour of my 

readers ^ 

PREFACE. xvii 

readers ; but having made my acknowledge 
mcnts to thofe gentlemen who have given jjic 
their kind afliftance in the compilation of it; 
and feeling, in common with all the inhabitants 
of the Britifh Weft Indies, a juft fcnfe o£ in- 
dignation at the jnalignant and unmerited 
afperfions which are daily and l;iourly thrown 
upon tl^ planters, for fuppofed improper and 
inhypian tre^ktment of their African labourers ; 
I fhould ill acquit myfelf, as the hiftorian of 
thofe colonies, if I omitted this opportunity of 
giving my teftimony to the fulnefs of their 
gratitude, their honeft pride and lively fenfibi- 
lity, at beholding, in a Son of their beloved 
Sovereign, the generous aflfertor of their rights, 
and the ftrenupus and able defender of their 
injured charafters, and infulted honour ! The 
condefcending and unfolicited interpofition of 
the Duke 6f Clarence on this occafion, is the 
more valuable, as, happily for the planters, it 
is founded on his Royal Highnefs's perfonal 
obfervation of their manners, and knowledge 
of their difpofitions, acquired on th^ fpot. 
Thus patronized and protedted, while they 
treat with lilent fcorn and deferved contempt 
the bafe efforts of thofe perfons who, without 
the leaft knowledge of the fubjed, aflail them 
with obloquy and outrage, they find a dignifi- 
ed fupport, in the confcioufncfs of their own 
innocence, even under the mifguided zeal and 
unfavourable prepoffellions of better men. It 
might indeed be hoped, for the intereft of truth 
and humanity, ittatfuc/i men would now frank- 
Vo^. I. b ly 

xviu PREFACE. 

ly acknowledge thek error, and ingcmioufly 
own, that we have been moft cruelly traduced, 
and ignominioufly treated : If this be too much 
to alk, we may at leaft expedl that gentlemen 
of education and candour will no longer perfift 
in affording countenance to the vulgar prejudi- 
ces of the envious and illiberal, by giving cur- 
rency to fuggeftions wbkh they cannot poffibly 
know to be true, and which we know to be 

London, 1795. 

P. S. The author has to obfcrve, that the firft part of 
€he work was writtenbefore his Return to the Weft Indies 
in the beginning pf 1787}— a confiderable part while ht 
was there, and me remainder, with moft of the notes, fince 
his return to Great Britain, in the autumn of I792. It 
may poffibly be found therefore, that events and changes of 
a political and commercial nature have taken place, during 
die time which^ elapfed in the progrefs of the work, that 
have pafled unnoticed in it ; and the author is apprehenfive 
alfo, that there are in (bme of his pages, from the fiune 
caiife, appearances of anachrcmifin f i^ich, however, it 
was impoffible wholly to remove, without ncwly arranging 
and modeliin|; the work throughout 

[ xlx ] 




C H A P. I. 

Geographical arrangement.— ^Umate. 

"^Sca-breczCi and Land^wind.-^^Beauty and 

Angularity of the vegetable and animal creation^ 

'^Magnificence and fublimit J 6f the mountains: 

t^eSiom concerning their origin, &c. - Page i 


Of the Charaihesy or ancknff^ Inhabitants of the 
Windward I/lands. — Origin. — Difficulties at» 
tending an accurate invefiigation of their cha- 
raSer.^^Such particulars related as are leaji 
difputed concerning their manners and difpoji^ 
tionSj perfons and domefiic habits, education of 
their children, arts, manufaSures, and govern'- 
ment, religious rites, funeral ceremonies, S^c.-^ 
Some refieflions drawn from the whck. - 24 


C H.A P. 


c H A P. nt. 


C^ the natives of Hifpaniotdy Cuba^ Jamaica^ 
dnd Portd^Rico. — Their Origin. — Numbers.-^ 
Perfons. — -Genius and difpojit ions .-^rrGoverntne fit 
and Religion. — MifcellaneouS Obfervations re-, 
JpeBing their Jrts, ManufaSures and Jgricul- 
iure. Cruelty of the opatiiardsy &c, ^ - 55 


tAnd animals ufed as food. — Fijbes and wild 

. fowL'^Indian method of fjhing and fowling.^-T 

Efculent vegetables f £^cr^ConcluJiort. -^ ^ 87 

J PPEND IX i Containing Jome additional 
qb/ervatjons concerning the origin of the Cha- 
rdibes. • - r r ^ joi 


J A M A I C At 


J)ifccruery of Jamaica by Columbus. -^His return 
in i503-( — Spirited proceedings of his fonDiego^ 
after Columbus'' s d^ath.-^Takes pojfejpon of Jar 
fffdica in 1509. — Humane conduit of Juan d^ 
Ef^uively thefrfi Governor. — Efiablijhment and 
defertion of the tozvn of Sevilla Nu^a. — De^ 

' flruSion of the Indians, — St. Jago dc la Vega 



founded. — Gives thi title of Marquis to Die^ 
g6*s fon Lewis^ to whom the IJland is granted 
in perpetual fovereignty,^ — Dejcends to his ftjier 
Ifabella, ^*ho conveys her rights by inarriage to 
the Houfe of Braganza. ^-Reverts to the crown 

of Spainy in 1 640. Sir Anthony Shirley in- 

njades the IJlqt^ in 1596, and Col. 'Jackjon in 
J638, - . - - - J 17 


Cromwell vindicated for attacking the Spaniards 
in i65.«;. — Thetr cruelties in the Wejl Indies ^ in 
contravention of the tteaty of 1630. — Propofals 
offered by Modyford and Gage. — Forcible ^r- 
guments of the latter. — w^Secretary Thurlocs 
account of a conference with the Spanijh Ann 

-haffador. CromweW^ demand of JatisfaSion 

rejeded. State of Jamaica on its cap^ 

ture, T r 4 , , • ^3^ 


Proceedings of the Englijh in Jamaica after its 
capture. — ^Col. UOyley declared prudent. ---^ 
Difcontents and mortality among tlie army,-* — 
Vigorous exertions of the Protedor. — CoL Brayne 
appointed cotnmander in chief — His death. — 

D^Oyley reaffumes the government. Defeats 

the Spanijh forces^ which had invaded the if- 
land from Cuba. — His wife and Jieady admi- 
nijl ration f-^rBucaniers. — Conciliating conduS 
of Charles IL on his rejioratiqn. — Firft ejlab^ 
lifbment of a regular government in Jamaica^ 
rr^Lord Windfor^s appointment. — Royal prqcla^ 
mation. — American treaty in 1670. — Change of 
meafures on the part of the crown. — New canr 
JlitutiQn devifedfor Jamaica. — Earl of Carlijlc 

I a^peint^dl 



af^ointed chief governor for the purpafe 6f en- 
farcing the new fyfiem.-'^SucceJsful oppojition 
ef the ajTembly.^^-^^hfequent difputes refpeSing 
the conjrmation of their laws. -^Terminated by 
the revenue aff of 1728. - - 152 


Situation. '^^Climaie.'^'^Face of the Country. 
Mountains^ and advantages derived from them. 
'^^oilr^^Lands in Culture. — Lands unculti- 
vatedf and obfervaticns thereon.-'-^Woods and 
Timber s.-^^Rivers and Medicinal Springs. — 
Ores^-^^^Vegetable ClaJfes.^-^Grain.'-^GraJfes. — 
Kitchen^garden produce, and Fruits for the Ta^ 
hle^ ^c. ^c. - - - - 175 

Catalogue of Exotic Plants in the Botanical Gar^ 
den of Jamaica, 1792. - - 190 


Topographical dtfcription.-^Towns, villages, -and 
parijbes^— Churches, church-livings, and vef^ 
tries. ^'•^Governor or Commander in chief . 
Courts of judicature.-^Public Offices^ — Le^if^ 
fature and laws.-^^^Revenues.-^Taxes. — Coins, 
and rate of exchange. ^^Militia. — Number of 
inhabitants of all conditions and complexions^-^ 
Trade, pipping, exports and imports. — -Report - 
of the Lords of Trade in 1734. — Prefent Jiate 
^ the trade with Spanijb America.'^^Origin 
and policy of the aft for eftablijhing free ports. 
-^Dijplay of the progrefs of the ijland in cuU 
txvation, by comparative fiatements of its inha- 
bitants and produQs at different periods. 203 

APPEND I JC— N^ /. A Return of the Num- 
ber of Sugar Plantations in the Ijland of Jamai- 

CONTENT a nffi 

Cdy and the Negro Slaves tkerem^ m tie 2ithof 
Marchy 1789, dijiinguijbing the JeveraLParifi^ 
ts. - - - - * - 237 

APPENDIX-^W.Il An Hijiorical Account 
of the Conftttution of Jatnaica; drawn up in 
1764, for the Informatton of his Majejiy^s Mi^ 
niftersy by his Excellency William Henry LitteU 
ton. Governor and Commander in Chief of that 
yiand. - - - - - - 238 

Documents annexed to the hijiorical Account. 249 



C H A P, L 

Barbadoes.^^FJrJl Arrival of the EngliJB at this tf* 
land. — Origin, progrefs, and termination of the 
Proprietary Covemment^-^Revenue granted to 
the Crown of ^ per centum on all Produce ex* 
ported^— hew (^fainedr-^'^^Origin of the AS of 
Navigation.^^Situation and extent of the I/land^ 
"-^Soiland Producp.^^Population.— Decline, and 
Caufes thereof. -^Exports and imports. - 315 

CHAP. n. 

Grenada and its Dependencies.'''^'-^FirJl di/cowry, 
name and inhabitants ^^^Frenck invafi^m and 
ejlabiijbment in i650t— — ^ar with, and ex- 
termination qf the natives^-^^The ijland and 
its dependencies conveyed to the Count de Ce^ 
riilac. — MifconduS and punijhttient of the de* 
puty governor. -^The colony reverts to the crown 
of France.^^State of the ifland in 1700. — And 
again in I762> when captured by theEngliJb.'^ 



Stipulations in favour of the French inhabitapfSw 
— Firfl meafures vf the Britijh government.'-^ 
Claim- of the crown to levy a dnty of 4^ per 
cent, on produce exported. -^Arguments for and 
ohjeBions againji the meafure. — Decijion cf the 
court of Vings bench on this important quefiion. 
— Strictures on fome pojitions advanced by the 
lord chiff juflice on this 9CcaJion. — Tranf(idions 
within the colony^ — Royal inJiruSiions in favour 
ef the Rotnan Catholic capitulants. — Internal 
dijjentions. — Defencelefs fiate. — French invajion 
in 1779. — Brave defence of the garrifon. — 6V/- 
tonditional Jurrender- — HardJ^ips exercifed to- 
^vards the Englijh planters and their creditors. 
— Redrefs given by the court of France. — Gre-^ 
nada, &c. reflored to Great Britain by the peace 
of 1783. — Prefent fiate of the colony in refpefl 
to cultivation, produdions and exports ; govern-- 
ment and population. - - • ^44 


St. Vincent and its Dependencies, and Dominica. 


C H A P. IV. 

I^eeward Charaibean Ifland Government, compre* 
hending St. Chrijiopher^s, Nevis, Antigua, Mont^ 
Jerrat, and the Virgin Iflands.-^^CivH Hijloryand 
Geographical Defcription of each.'-^Table of Ex^ 
ports from each Ifland for 1787; and an 
Account of the Money arijing from the Duty 
cf Four and a Half per Cent. — Obfervations 
concerning the Decline of thefe Iflands, which 
conclude their Hifiory. - - - 404 

APPENDIX. Hortus Eafienfs. - 455 




elicroachnients of the Atlantic on the one fide» 
Vol. L B and 




n 1' n ^ 

T M B 



or THK 

Britifli Colbnids in the Weft Indies. 

- f • • V 

-A O O K J. 

A' GEI^RAX y^fet^ OP^ rnilR ANCIENT 

»tA+E a'nd inhabitants. 

. CH A P- I. 

Geographical arrixiigefnent.'^--^Name.''^Climate. 
^^Sea^brttzCy and Land-wind. — Beauty and 
Jihgularify of the vegetable and animal creatt- 
(m^-^^Magnifcence and fublimity of the 
mountains \ rejleffions concerning their ori- 
gin, &(f. 

GEOGRAPHERS, following the diftribu- ^^l^' 
tion of Nature, divide the vau Continent of v-i^v"-^ 
Ajnerica into two great parts; North and Arrange- 
South ; the narrow but mountainous Ifthmus ^^^^ 
of Darien ferving as a link to connedl them to- 
gether, and forming a rampart againft ,the 
eiicroachments of the Atlantic on the one fide. 
Vol. I. B aiid 


BOO K and of the Pacific Ocean on the other. Thefe 
great Oceans were anciently diftineuifhed alfo, 
from their relative fituation, by the names of 
the North and South Seas. * 
Name. To that prodigious chain of Iflands which 
extend in a curve from the Florida Shore 
on the Northern Peninfula, to the Gulph of 
Maracaybo on the Southern, is given the deno- 
mination of IVeJi Indies, from the name of 
India orinnally affiled to them bv Columbus* 
Thb illultrious Navigator plannea his expedi- 
tion, not, as Rayn aland others have fuppofed, 
under the idea of introducing a New World to 
the knowledge of the Old ; but, principally, 
in the view of finding a route to India by a 
Weftem navigation; which he was led to 
think would prove lefs tedious than by the 
Coaft of Africa ; and this concluiion would 
have been juft, if the geography of the Anci- 
ents, on which it was founded, had been ac- 
curate f. Indeed, fo firmly perfuaded was 


* The appellation of Ncrtb^ applied to that part of the 
Atlantic which flows into the Gttlph of Darien, feems now 
to be entirely difufed ; but the raciiic is ftiU commonly 
cilled the South Sea. It was difcovered in 15 13, and, 
having been firft entered towards the South, might, per- 
haps, have derived its name from that circumilance. 

t /* The fpherical flgure of the earth was known to tKh^ 
ancient geographers. They invented the method (till in ufe, 
of computing tiie longitude an^ latitude of different places. 
According to their dodtrine, the equator contained 360 de- 
grees; thefe they divided into twenty-four parts, or hours, 
^each equal to fifteen degrees. The country of the Sere^ or . 
SinJt being the fartheft part of India known to the an- 
cients, was fuppofe(^, by Marinus Tyrius, the moil emi- 
nent of the ancient geographers before Ptcylemy, to be fif* 
teen hours, or 225 degrc;^s to the eaft of the firft meridian, 
palling through the Fortunate Iflands. If this fuppofition - 
was well founded, the country of the Seres, or China, vfnp 



Columbus of its truth and certainty, that he CHAP, 
continued to aflert his belief of it after the I* 
difcovery of Cuba and Hifpaniola ; not doubt- 
ing that thofe iflands conftituted fome part of the 
E^ern extremity of Alia : and the nations of 
Europe, fatisfied with fuch authority, concurred 
in the fame idea* Even when the difcovery of 
the Pacific Ocean had demonibrated his mif« 
take, all the countries which Columbus had 
vifited flill retained the name of the Indies ; 
and in contradiftinftion to thofe at which the 
Portuguefe, after pafling the Cape of Good 
Hope, had at length arrived by an eaftern 
courfe, they were now denominated the Indies 
of the Weji*. 

Among the Geographers of thofe days, 
however, there were fome, who envying the 
glory of Columbus, or giving more credit to 
ancient f;|ble than to the achievements of their 
cotemp6raries,periifted in afligning to the new* 
ly-difcovered Iflands the appellation of Antilia 


onlj nine hours, or 135 degrees weft from the Fortunate or 
Canary Iflands; and the navigation in that direction was 
much fhorter than br the courfe which the Portuguefe were 
purfuing/' From this account, for which the reader is in- 
debted to the learned Dr. Robertibn, it is evident that the 
icheme of Columbus was founded on rational fjftematical 
principles, according to the light which his ag^ afforded > 
whereas if he had propofed, without an/ fuch fupport, to 
difcover a new hemifphere by failing weftward ; lie would 
Kave been juftly conudered sas an arrogant and chimerical 
projedor, and fiiccefs itfelf would not have reconciled his 
temerity to the fober dilates of reafon. 

* Columbus failed on his firft Vo/age the 3d. of Auguft, 
X492. In 1494 Bartholemus Dias dikovered the Cape of 
Good Hope ; but it was not doubled till the year 1497, 
when Vafquez de Gama fucceeded (for the firft time in 
modern navigation) in this, as it was then fuppofc4« W* 
midable attempt. 

B 2 

B O p K; or Antiles : the name (according to Charlevoix) 
!• of an imaginary country, placed in ancient 
~ ^ charts about two hundred leagues to the Weft- 
ward of Azores; and it is a name ft ill very 
generally ufed by foreign Navigators, although 
the etymology of the word^ is as uncertan, as 
the application of it is unjuft. To the Britifti 
nation the name befiowec^ by Columbus is 
abundantly more familiar : and thiis the whole 
of the Ne\v Hemifphere is, with us, common- 
ly comprifed under three great divifions; 
North America, South America, and the Weft 

But, fubordinate to this comprehenfive and 
fimple arrangement, neceffity or convenience 
has introduced more minute and local diftii;c- 
tions. That portion of the Atlantic which is 


^ The tenn Aniiks is applied b/ Hoffinan to tli^ Wind- 
waid or Charaibean lillinds onl/, and is b/ him thus ac- . 
counted for: ** Dicuntur Antilae Amencfle qiiaii ante Infu- 
las Americae, nempe ante majores Infulas Sinus Mexu-ani*'^- 
(Hoffman Lexic. Univ. J Rochfort and Du Tertre explain 
the word nearly in the fame manner, while Monf. P'An- 
ville applies the name to thofe lilands only, which are more 
immediatel/ oppofed to^ or iituated j^/ifff/?, the Continent : 
thus he terms Cuba, Hifpaniola, Jamaica, and Porto Rico, 
the Great Antiles^ and the fmall Iflands of Aruba, Cura9oa« 
Bonair, Magaritta, and fome others near the coafl of Ca* 
raccas on tbie ibuthern Peninfula, the Left ; excluding the 
Charaibean Idands altogether. A recurrence to the e^rl/ 
Spanifh Hillorians would have demonftrated to all thefe 
writers, that the word AntiTta was applied to Hifpaniola 
and Cuba, before th? difcovery cither of the Windward 
lilands, or any part of the Apierican Continent. This 
appears from the following paflage in the Firfi Book of the 
Firft Decad of Peter Manyr, which, bears date from the. 
Court of Spain November 1493, eight months only after 
Columbus's return from his firit expedition; " Ophiram 
Infulam fefe reperifle refert : fed Coiinographorum traAu 
diligenter confiderato, jintilis Infulae funt ill^e et adjaceotes. 
aliae : hanc Hifpaniolam appellant, &c" 


leparated from the main Ocean to the North CHAJP. 
and to the Eaft, by the Iflands I have men- h 
tioned^ ahhough commonly known by the ge- ' 
neral appellation of the Mexican Gulph, is it- 
felf properly fubdivided into three diftiniSjt 
Baiins: the Gulph of Mexico, the Bay of 
Honduras, and the Charaibean Sea*. The 
latter takes its name from that clafs of Iflands 
which bound this latter pan of the Ocean tp 
the Eaft. Mofi of thefe were anciently pot 
felled by a nation of Cannibals, the fcourgc 
and terror of the mild and inoffenfive native^ 
of Hifpaniola, who frequently exprefled to 
Columbus their dread of th#fe fierce and war* 
like invaders, Charaibes, or Caribbeesf. An4 
it was in confequence of this information, 
that the Iflands to which thefe favages belong- 
ed, when difcovered afterwards by Columbus, 
were by him denominated generally the Cha* 
raibean Iflands. 

Of this clafs, however, a group nearly ad- 
joing to the Eafiem fide of St. John de Porto 
Rico, is likewife called the Virgin. Illes ; a dif* 
tindion. of which the origin wUl be explained 
in its place I . 


* Vide IntTodu£lion to the Weft Indian Adas, b/ 

t Herrera, lib. i. Fer. Columbus, chap. xxxiiL 
} It may be proper to obferve, that the old Spanifh 
Navigators, in Ipeaking of the Weft India Iflands in ge- 
neral, frequently diftinguiih them alfo into two clafles, by 
the terms Barlovento and SotaventOy from whence our fVytd" 
nvard and Leeward Iflands; the Charaibean conftituting in 
ftrift propriety the former clafs (and as fuch I ihall fpeak 
of them m the courfe of this worlt), and the four large 
Iflands of Cuba, Jamaica, Hifpaniola, and Porto Kico, 
the latter. 3ut our Englilh mariners appropriate both 
terms to the Charaibean Iflands only, Subdividing them ac- 


BOOK Neither muft it pafs unobferved, that the 
name of Bahama is commonly applied by the 
Englifh to that clufter of fmall iflands, rocks, 
and reefs of fand, which ftretch in a North- 
v^fterly diredron for the fpace of near three 
htmdred leagues, from the Northern coaft of 
Hifpaniola to the Bahama Strait, oppofite the 
Florida fhore. Whether this appellation is of 
Indian origin, as commonly fuppofed, is a 
queftibn I cannot anfwer ; neither does it merit 
very anxious inveftigation : yet thefe little 
iflands have defervedly a clami to particular 
notice ; for it wai one of them * that had the 
honour of firft receiving Columbus, after a. 
voyage the moft b61d and magnificent in defign, 
-and the moft important in its confequences, of 
any that the mind of man has conceived, or 
national adventure undertaken, from the be- 
ginning of the world to the prefent hour. 

Clunatc. Moft of the countries of which I propofe to 
treat being fituated beneath the tropic of Can- 
cer, the circumftances of climate, as well in 
regard to general heat, as to the periodical 
rains and confequent variation of feafons, are 
nearly the fame throughout the whole. The 
temperature of the air varies indeed confide- 
rably according to the elevation of the land ; 
but, with this exception, the medium degree 
of heat is much the fame in all the countries 
of this part of the globe. 

A tropical year feems properly to com- 
prehend b"t two diftinft feafons ; the wet and 


cording to their iituation in the courfe of the trade vrind; 
the Windward Iflands bj their arrangement terminating, I 
believe with Maninico, and the Leeward commencing at 
Dominica, and extending to Porto Rico. 

* Guanahani. The whole group is called b/ the Spa- 
niards Lucayos. 


the dry^y but as the rains in thefe climates con- CHAP, 
ftitute two great periods, I fhall defcribe it, ^ ^' 
like the European year, under four diviiions. 

The vernal feafon, or Spring, may be faid 
to commence with the month of May, when 
the foliage of the trees evidently becomes more 
vivid, and the parched favannas begin to 
change their ruflet hue, even previous to the 
fird periodical rains, which are now daily ex* 
pe£led, and generally fet in about the mid« 
die of the month. Thefe, compared with tht^ 
Autumnal rains, may be faid to be gentle 
fhowers. They come from the South, and 
commonly fall every day about noon, and 
break up with thunder-florms ; creating a bright 
and beautiful verdure, and a rapid and luxuri* 
ant vegetation. The thermometer at this fea* 
fon varies confiderably ; commonly falling fix 
or eight degrees immediately after the diurnal 
rains : its medium height may be flated at 75*. 

After thefe rains have continued about a 
fortnight, the weather becomes dry, fettled, 
and falutary ; and the tropical Summer reigns 
in full glory. Not a cloud is to be perceived ; 
and the Iky blazes with irrefiftible fiercenefs. 
For fome hours, commonly between feven and 
ten in the morning, before the fetting in of 
the fea-breeze or trade- wind, (which at this fea- 
fon blows from the fouth-eaft with great force 
and regularity until late in the evening) the 
heat is fcarcely fupportable ; but, no fooaer is 
the influence felt of this refrefhing wind, than 
all Nature revives, and the climate, in the 
fhade, becomes not only very tolerable, but 
pleafant. The thermometer now varies but 
little in the whole twenty-four hours : its me- 
dium, near the coafl, may be ilated at about 


8 H I S 7" R Y OF T PE 

30QK 8o^ I have feldpm pbferve4 it feighcr thaa 
^ " 83*" at noon, por much below 75** at fiuiTrife, 
' The nights "^t this feafon are tranfcfendently 
beautiful. The clearnefs of the he^v^ns, the 
ferenity of the air, and the foft tranq^iUity in 
which Nature repofes, (contribute to harnio?* 
nize the mind, and produce the moft calm ^d 
. delightful fenfations. The mopn top in thefe 
climates difplays fi^r greater radiance th^ in 
Europe ; the fmalleft print is legible by her 
light ; and in the moon's abfence her fundlioa 
IS not ill fupplied by the brightnefs of the 
niilky-way, and by that glorious planet Venu3, 
\vhich appears here like a little moon, ^d glit- 
ters with fo refulgent a beam as to caft ^ (h^de 
from trees, buildings, and other objefts, mak- 
ing full amends for the fhort flay ^nd abrupt 
departure of the crepufcidum or twilight *. 

This ftate of the weather commonly conti-i 
nues, with little variation, from the beginning 
of June until the middle of Auguft, when the 
diurnal breeze begins to intermit, and the at- 
mofphere becomes fultry, incommodious, and 
fuffocating. In the Utter end of this months 
and moft part of September, we look about in 
vain for coolnefs and. comfort. The thermo- 
meter occafippally exceeds 90% and inftead of 
a fteady and refrefhing wind from the fca, there 


♦ In the mountainous and interior parts of the larger 
iilands, innumerable^r^^iV/ abound at night, ^hich have 
a furprifin| appearance to a flranger. They confift of dif- 
ferent fpecies, fome of which emit a light, refeoibling a 
fpark of fire, from a globular prominence near each eye ; 
and others from their fides in the adl of refpiration. They 
are far more luminous than the glow-worm, and fill the air 
on all fides, like fo many liyiftg flars, to the great af^onifh- 
mcnt and admiration of a traveller unaccu^omed to the 
country. — In the day-time they difappear. 



aieufually faint breezes and calms alternately^ CHAP. 
Thefe are preludes to the fecond periodical _^- 
or Autumnal feafon. Large towering clpuds, ' 
fleecy, and of a reddiih hue, arc now feen, in the 
morning, in the quarters of the fouth, and fouth- 
eaft ; the tops of the mountains at the fame 
ibne appear clear of clouds, and the objeds 
upon them wear a blueifh cail, and feem much 
nearer to the fpedator than ufual, Wheru. 
thefe vaft accumulations of vapour have rifen 
to a confiderable height in the atmofphere, 
they commonly move horizontally towards the 
mountains, proclaiming their progrefs in deep 
and rolling thunder, which, reverberated from 
peak to peak, and anfwered by the diftant 
roaring of the fea, heightens the majefty of 
the fcene, and irrcfiftibly lifts up the mind of 
the fpedator to the great Author of all fubli- 

The waters, however, with which thefe con- 
gregated vapours load the atmofphere, feldom 
fall with great and genera) force until the be- 
guming of O£lober. It is then that the hea- , 
veaas pour down catara£ls. An European who 
has not vifited thefe climates, can form np juft 
conception of the quantity of water which 
deluges the earth at this feaibn : by an exa^ 
account which was kept of the perpendiculiar 
height of the water which fell in one year in 
Barbadoes (and that no ways remarkable) it ap*> 
peared ta have been equal to fixty-feven cubi» 
cal inches. 

It is now (in the interval between the begm* 
nhig of Auguft and the latter end of Odober) 
that hurricanes, thofe dreadful vifitations of 
the Ahnighty, are apprehended. The* prog-- 
noftics of thefe elementary confiids, havebeen* 



BOOK minutely defcribcd by various writers, and 
^^V^ their effefts are known by late mournful ex- 
perience to every inhabitant of every ifland 
within the tropics, but their immediate caufe 
feems to lie far beyond the limits of our cir- 
cumfcribed knowledge. 

Towards the end of November, or fome- 
times not till the middle of December, a con- 
fiderable change in the temperature of the air 
is perceivable* The coafts to the northward 
are now beaten by a rough and heavy fea, roar- 
ing with inceffant noife; the wind varies from 
the eaft to the north-eaft and north, fometimes 
driving before it, acrofs the higheft mountains, 
not only heavy rains but hail ; till at length, the 
north wind having acquired fufl&cient force, 
the atmofphere is clearea ; and now comes on 
a fucceffion of ferene and pleafant weather, the 
north-eaft and northerly winds fpreading cool- 
nefs and delight throughout the whole of this 
burning region. 

If this interval, therefore, from December 
to March, be called winter, it is certainly the 
fineft winter on the globe. To valetudmarians 
and perfons advanced in life, it is the climate 
of Paradife. 

The account which I have thus given is, 
however, to be received not as uniformly ex- 
zSt and minutely particular ; but as a general 
reprefentation only, fubjeft to man v variations 
and exceptions. In the large iflands of Cub^, 
Hifpaniola, and Jamaica, whofe lofty moun- 
tains are clothed with forefts perhaps as old as 
the deluge, the rains are much more frequent 
and violent than in the fmall iflands to wind- 
ward; fome of which are without niountaiAS, 
and others without wood ; both powerful agents 


W E S T I N A I E S. It 

Cn the atmofphere. In tbc interior and ele- CHAP, 
vated diftridls of the three former iflands, I I* 
believe there are Ihowers in every month of the 
year; and on the northern coafts of thofe 
iflands, confiderable rains are expefted in De- 
cember or January, foon after the fetting in of 
the north winds. 

Of the trade-wind, or diurnal fea-brecze, 
which blows in thefe climates from the eaft, 
and its collateral points, with little intermiflion 
or variation nine months in the year, the caufes 
having been traced and difplayed with great di- 
ligence and accuracy by Dr. Halley, and re- 
peated by nmnerous writers, it is unneceflary 
for me to treat; but the peculiarity of the land- 
wind by night (than which nothing can be 
more grateful ana refrelhing) has been lefs ge- 
nerally noticed. This is an advantage, among 
others, which the larger iflands of the Weft 
Indies derive from the great inequality of their 
furface; for as foon as the fea-breeze dies 
away, the hot air of the plains being rarefied, 
afcends towards the tops of the mountains, and 
16 there condenfed by the cold ; which maktng 
it f|}ecifically heavier than it was before, it de- 
fcends back to the plains on both iides of the 
ridge. Hence a night-wind is felt in all the 
mountainous countries under the torrid zone, 
blowing on all fides from the land towards 
the fhore, fo that on a north ihore the wind 
ihali come from the fouth, axvd on the fouth 
ihore from the north. Agreeably to this hvpo- 
tbeiis, it is obfervable that in the iflanas to 
windward, where they have no mountains, 
they have no land-bteeze ♦. 


^ TKe account thus glveQ of the land-wind, h cKiefljr 
in the VfQiis of Dr. Franklin, "whole ddEcxiptioa ia £» pit- 



fiOOft feutlnow turn to Icenes of uncommoh va- 
riety and luftre ; to a retrofpefi of thefe iflands 
as they muft have appeared to the lirft difco- 
verers ; than which, beheld from the fea, no 
objefts in nlture could have been more ftrik- 
ing to the im^ination; riot only from the 
novelty of the fcene, but alfo from the beauty 
of the fmaller iflands^ and the fublimity of the 
larger, whofe lofty mountains form a (lupen- 
dous and awful pifture ; thfc fubjeft both of 
wonder and coutemplatioh. 

Nor did thefe promifing territories difap* 
point expedlation on a ncrarer fearch and inore 
accurate mfpeftion. Columbus, whofe veraci- 
ty has never been fufpefted^ fpeal^s of their 
beauty and fertility in terms of the higheft ad- 
miration : " There is a river (he ebfefves in one 
" of his letters to Kine Ferdinand) which dif- 
*^ charges itfelf into the harbour that I have 
^* named Porto Santo *, of fufficient depth to 
" be navigable. I had the curiofity to found 
" it, and found eight fathom. Yet the water 
^^ is fo limpid, that I tan eafily difcerri the 
*^ fand at the bottom. The banks of this river 
*^ are ^mbeltiftied with lofty palm-trees, whofe 
^ fhade gives a delicious freflinefs to the air ; 
^* and the birds and the flowers are uncommon* 
^ and beautiful. I was fo delighted with the 
^' fcene,, that I had almoft come to the refolu- 

" tion 

cift atid accurate as to admit of lio improvement. la 
Btrbadoes, and moft of the fmall iflands to windward; 
the fea-breezc blows as well by night as by day. It is fome- 
times the cafe in Jamaica in the months of June and July, 
the land at that time beings heated to futh a degree, that 
Aeairof the mountains is not fufficiently denfe to check 
the current which flows from the fea. 
* Ik Cuba; 

W 5 S T I N D I E S. ^ 1 J 

" tion of ftaying hpre the i:emainder of my CHAP* 

" days ; for believe me. Sire, thefe countries ^• 

** far furpafs ^1 the reft of the world in plea-*^ 

** fure and conveniency ; and I have frequent- 

*' ly obferved to my people, that, with all my 

** endeavours to convey to your Majefty an 

** adequate idea of the cnarming objefts wnich 

" continually prefent thenifelves to our view, 

*• the defcription will fall greatly ftiort of th^ 

« reality." 

How il| informed, or prejudiced, are thofe 
late wrijcrs, therefore, who, affedingto diC- 
believe, or endeavouring to palliate, the enor- 
mities of the Spanilh invaders, reprefent thefe 
once delightful fpots, when firft diTcoveredby 
Columbus, to have been fo ma^y impenetrable 
and unhealthy deferts! It is true, that after 
the Spaniards, in the courfe of a few bloody 
years, had exterminated the ancient and right- 
ful poffellprs, the earth, left to its own natural 
fertility, benej^th the influence of a tropical 
fun, teemed with noxious vegetation. Thep, 
indeed, the fa^efl of the iflands became fo n^ar 
ny frightful folitudes, impervious and unwhole- 
fome. Such was the condition of Jamaica 
when wreftcd from the Spanifli Crown in 1655, 
zxxd futh is the condition of great part of Cuba 
and Porto Rico at this day; for the infinitely ; 
wife and be^nevolent Governor of the univerfe, 
to compel the exertion of thofe faculties which 
he has givenus^ has ordained, that by humkn 
cultivation alone^ the earth becopies the. pro- 
per habitation^f man *. 


• Dt, land, in his " Effay on the Difeafcs of Hot CH- 
•• nvaue^/' hasf jjrefcrved an extraft from the Journal of 
an Qfi^^r who ikiled up a river on .the cpail of G^e^, 



BOOK But as the Weft Indian Iflands in their an- 
}' ^ cicnt ftatc were not without culture, fo neither 
were they generally noxious to health. The 
plains or favannas were regularly fown, twice 
in the year, with that fpecies of grain which is 
now well known in Europe by the name of 
Turkey Wheat. It was called by the Indians 
Mahez, or Maize ; a name it flill bears in all 
the Iflands j nor does it require very laborious 
cultivation. This however conftituted but a 
part only, and not the moft confiderable part, 
of the vegetable food of the natives. As thefe 
countries were at the fame time extremely po- 
pulous, both the hills* and the vallies (of the 
fmaller iflands efpeciallv) were neceffarily clear- 
ed of underwbod, and the trees which remain- 
ed afforded a fliade that was cool, airy, and de- 
licious. Of thefe, fome, as the papaw and the 
palmeto*, are^ without doubt, the mof^ grace- 
ful of all the vegetable creation. Others con- 
tinue to bud, bloflR)m, and bear fruit through-r 
out the year. Nor is it undeferving notice, 
that the great Father of mankind has cfifplayed 


-which affords a ilrilcing illuflratlon of this remark :' " We 
** were (fajs the Officer) thirty miles diftant from the fea, 
** in a country altogether uncultivated, overflowed with 
'* Mrater— -furrounded with thick impenetrable woods, and 
" over-run with ilime. The air was fa vitiated, noifomc 
** and thick, that our torches and candles tumt iim^ 
** and feemed ready to he extingui/hed ; and even the human 
** voice iofl its natural tone.*' Part I. p. 64. 

* The fpecies here meant (for there arc feveral) is the 
palmeto-royal, or mountain-cabbage. Ligon mentions 
lome, at the flrft fettlement of Barbadoes, aoout 200 feet 
in height ; but Mr. Hughes obierves, that the highefl in 
his time, in that ifland, was 1 54 feet. I am inclined to 
believe, that I have feen them in Jamaica upwards of 150 
feet in height ; but it is impoiUble to fpeak with certaixttj 
without an aiStual meafurement 


his goodnefs even in the ftrufture and forma- CHAP, 
tion of the trees themfelves; for, the foliage ^^^^ 
of the moft part fpringing only from the fum- 
mit of the trunk, and thence expanding into 
wide-fpreading branches, clofely but elegantly 
arranged, every grove is an aflemblage of ma- 
jeftic colunms, fupporting a verdant canopy, 
and excluding the fun, without impeding the 
circulation of the air. Thus the ftiade, at all 
times impervious to the blaze, and refreihed 
by the diurnal breeze, affords, not merely a re- 
fuge from occaiional inconveniency, but a 
moft wholefome and delightful retreat and ha- 

Such were thefe orchards of the Sun, and 
woods of perennial verdure ; of a growth un- 
known to the frigid clime and leis vigorous 
foil of Europe ; for what is the oak compared to 
the cedar or mahogany, of each of which the 
trunk frequently meafures from eighty to nine- 
ty feet from the bafe to the limbs ? What Eu- 
ropean foreft has ever given birth to a ftem 
equal to that of the ceiba ^, which alone, lim- 
ply rendered concave, has been known to 
produce a boat capable of containing one 
hundred perfons ? or the ftill greater fig, the 
fovereign of the vegetable creation, — itfelf a 


The majeftic fcenery of thefe tropical groves 
was at the fame time enlivened by the lingu- 
lar fprms of fome, and the furprifing beauty 
of others of the inferior animals which pof- 


* The wild cotton tree. 

ff Tkii monarch of the woods, whofe empire extends 
over Afia and Africa, at well ai the tropical parts of Ame* 
xica, b defcribed bj our divine Poet with great cx^A- 



BOOR feflcd and peopled them. Although thtf€ will 
T- be more fully defcribcd ia the fequd,'^felt 
obfervations which, at prefent occur to^ me, 
will, I hope, be forgiven. If it btt true, that 
in moft of the regions of the torrid zone the 
heat of the ftin is, as it were, refle^ed in the 
untatiieable fiercenefs of their wild beafts, and 
in the exalted rage and venom of the tiumerous 
ferpents with wlbach they are infeft^d, the So-* 
vcreim Difpofer of ail tnings has regatdied the 
Iflands of the Weft Indies with peculiar fa- 
vour; inafmuch as their ferpents are wholly de- 
ftitute of poifon *, aud they poflfelfe no animrf 


The fig-tree, not that kind for fruit rencrwn'd, 
But fuch ^;at this day to Indians known' 
In Malabar and Deean, fpreads h^ artl^s. 
Branching fo hrwkd and long, that iA the groufnd' 
The bearded twigs take root, and daughters grbw 
Above the mother trec^ fl/i//tfrV/S«if, 
JIfgk over-^rti^dy and' echoing wautt betweeni 

Paradife Loft,, Book IX. 
It is called in thr-JEaft Indies the hanyon-tree. Mr. Maxf' 
den gives the folUiWUlgr account of the dMefidioiis of on^^ - 
near Manjee, twenty imiles weft of Patas^ in Bengal: I>ta^'' 
vte^Tf^ 363 to 375 feet; circumference pf the ihadow at 
noon;,) 1116 feet; crramlference of'thfr feveral flems, in- 
number fifty or fixxy, pai feetr^ Hift. Sumatra, p. 131. 

*'I fay this oti the authority of BrtwriyXharievoix,^ 
and Hughes (of whom the firft compiled the HSftoiy of . 
Jamaica, the fecond that of Hifpaniok, aftd' tha laft of 
Barbkdoes)— on the tefHmony of many gentlemen who . 
haverefided in feveral- of thfe Windw^rdP Iftatids— and oh *. 
my own expmence during la lefidenc^^ of fift«^n^ yeaY» in ' 
Jamaica. In that time L naither kne^ aor ibeard of znf^ o 
perfon being hurt from the bite of any one fpecies of the 
numerous fnakes or lizards known in that ifland. Some 
of the fnakes I have myfelf handled-widi.«per&^ fe^iurit;^. 
I conclude, therefore (potwithftandingotht xontfapy^flet* 
tion of Du Tertre refpiefting. Mariinifo and Stw Lueii)'' 
that ^r// the Illands are providentially exeilipted fr0muhii^ ^ 
eyil. Neverthelefs it muft be admitted, that the circum^ 




of prey, to defolate their vallies. The croco- CHAP- 
dile, or alKgi^tor, is indeed fometimes difcover- _^ 
ed on the b^nks of their rivers ; but notwith- 
ilanding ^ that has been faid of its fierce and 
favage difpofition, I pronounce it, from my 
own knowledge, a cautious and timid creature^ 
avoiding, wim the utmoil precipitation, the 
approach of man. The reft of the lizard kind 
are perfedUy innocent and inofienfive. Some 
of them are even fond of human fofciety. 
They embelliih our walks by their beauty, and 
court our attention by geijitlen^fs and frolic ; 
but their kindnefs, I know not why, is returned 
by averlion and difguft. Anciently the woods 
Vol. I. C of 

ftance is extraordinary ; inafmuch as every part of tlie con* > 
tinent of America, but efpecially thofe provinces which lie 
under the Equator, abound in a high deme with ferpents, 

whofe bite is mortal. Mr. Bancroft, in his Account of 

Guiana, gives a dreadful lift of fuchasare found in that ex- 
teniive country ; and, in fpeakingof oneof afpecies whichhe 
calls the fmall labarra, makes mention of a negro who was 
unfortunately bit by it in the finger. The negro had but 
juil time to kill the fnake, when his limbs became unable 
to iupport him, and he fell to the ground, and expired in 
iefs than five minutes.— Dr. Dancer, in his Hiftory of 
the Expedition from Jamaica to Fort Tuan on the Lake of 
Nicaragua, in 1780, which he attended as phyiician, re- 
lates the following circumilance : A fnake hanging from 
the bough of a tree bit one of the fbldiers, as he paffed 
along, juft under the orbit of the left eye ; from whence 
the poor man felt fuch intenfe pain, that he was unable to 
proceed : and when a meflenger was fent to him a few 
hours afterwards, he was found dead, with all the fymp- 
toms of putrefa^on, a yellowffefs and fwelling over his 
whole body; and the eye near to which he was bitten, 
'Vfc'hoUy dlffoived. This circumftance was confirmed to me 
hy Colonel Kemble, who commanded in chief on that ex- 
pedition. It may not be ufelefs to add, that thofe ferpehts 
which are venomous are firrniflied with fangs ibmewhat 
telembling the tufks of a boar : they art; moveable, and 
iaferted in the upper jaw. 


BOOK of almoft all the equatorial parts of America 
^' abounded with various tribes of the fmaller 
monkey ; a fportive and fagacious little crea- 
ture, which the people of Europe feem like- 
wife to have regarded with unmerited detefta- 
tion ; for they hunted them down with fuch 
barbarous affiduity, that in feveral of the iflands 
every fpecies of them has been long fince ex- 
terminated. Of the feathered race too, many 
tribes have now nearly deferted thofe fhores 
where polilhed man delights in fpreading uni- 
verfal and capricious deftruftion. Among 
thefe, one of the moft remarkable was the fla- 
mingo, an elegant and princely bird, as large as 
the Iwan, and arrayed in plumage of the bright- 
eft fcarlet. Numerous,' however, are the fea- 
thered kinds, defervedly diftinguiftied by their 
fplendour and beauty, that ftill animate thefe 
fylvan receffes. The parrot, and its jrarious 
affinities from the maccaw to the perroquet, 
fome of them not larger than a fparrow, are 
too well known to require defcription. Thefe 
are as plentiful in the larger iflands of the Weft 
Indies as tfie rook is in Europe. But the boaft 
of American groves is doubtlefs the colibry, 
or humming bird ; of the brilliance of whofe 
plumage no combination of words, nor tints 
of the pencil, can convey an adequate idea. 
The confumniate greei; of the emerald, the rich 
purple of the amethyft, and the vivid flame of 
the ruby, all happily blended and enveloped 
beneath a tranfparent veil of waving gold, are 
diftinguiftiable in every fpecies, but differently 
arranged and apportioned in each. Nor is the 
minutenefs of its form lefs the objeft of ad- 
miration, than the luftre of its plumage ; the 
fmalleft fpecies not exceeding the fize of a 



beetle, and appearing the link which connects CHAP, 
the bird and infed creation. I- 

It has been frequently obferved, that al-' 
though nature is profufe of ornament to the 
birds of the torrid zone, flie has beftowed far 
greater powers of melody on thofe of Europe ; 
and the obfervation is partly true. That pro- 
digality of mufic which in the vernal feafon ren« 
ders every grove in Great Britain delightful 
is unknown to the fliades of equatorial regi- 
ons ; yet are not thefe altc^ther filent or in- 
harmonious. The note of the mock-bird is 
cjefervedly celebrated, while the hum of my- 
riads of bufy infe£ls/and the plaintive meloay 
of the innumerable variety of doves aboimd- 
ing in thefe climates, form a concert, which, 
if it ferve not to awaken the fancy, contri- 
butes at leafl to footh the affeAions, and, like 
the murmuring of a rivulet, gives harmony to 

But, refigning to the naturalift the tafk of 
minutely delcribing the fplendid aerial tribes 
of thefe regions, whofe variety is not lefs re- 
markable than their beauty, I now return from 
thefe, the fmalleft and moft pleafing forms of 
a£live life, to the largeft and moil awful ob- 
jeds of inanimate nature. The tranfition is 
abrupt ; but it is in the magnitude, extent, and 
elevation of the mountains of the New World, 
that the Almighty has mod ftrikingly manifeft- 
ed the wonders of his omnipotence. Thofe 
of South America are fuppofed to be nearly 
twice the height of the higheft in the ancient 
hemifphere, and, even under the equator, have 
their tops iuvolved in everlafting fnow. To 
thofe maflive piles, the loftieft fummits of the 
moft elevated of the Weft Indian Iflands can- 
C z not 



BOOK not indeed be compared; but fome of thefe 
I- rife, neverthelefs, in amazing grandeur, and 
' are among the firfl objefts that fix the atten- 
tion of the voyager. The mountains of Hif- 
paniola in particular, whofe wavy ridges are 
defcried from fea at the diftance of thirty 
leagues, towering far above the clouds in ftu- 
pendous magnificence, and the blue mountains 
of Jamaica, have never yet, that I have heard, 
be^ n fully explored. Neither curiofity nor 
avarice has hitherto ventured to invade the top- 
moft of thofe lofty regions. In fiich of them 
as are acceffible, nature is found to have put 
on the appearance of a new creation^ As th« 
cliipate changes, the tfees, the birds, and the 
infefts are feen alfotto differ from thofe which 
are met with below. To an unaccuftomed 
fpcftator, looking down from thofe heights^ 
the whole fcene appears like enchantment. 
. The firft objeft whiclji catches the eye at the 
dawn of day, is a vaft expanfe of vapour, co- 
vering the whole face of the vallies> Its boun- 
daries being perfedlly diftinft, and vifibly cir- 
cumfcribed, it has the exadl refemblance of an 
immenfe body of water, while the mountains 
appear like fo many iflands in the midft of a 
beautiful lake. As the fun increafes in force, 
the profpeft varies: the incumbent vapours 
fly upward, and melt into air; difclofing all 
the beauties of nature, and the triumphs of in- 
duftr}^ heightened and embelliftied by the full 
blaze of a tropical fun. In the equatorial fea- 
fon, fcenes of ftill greater magnificence fre- 
quently prefent themfelves; for, while all is 
calm and ferene in the higher regions, the 
clouds are feen below fweeping along the fides 
of the mountains in vaft bodies ; till, growing 


xW E S T' I N D I E S. 21 

more ponderous by accumulation, they fall at CHAP, 
length in torrents of water om the plains. The !• 
found of the tempeft is diftindtly heard by the ' 
fpediator above ; the diftant lightening is feen 
to irradiate the gloom ; while the thunder, re- 
verberated in a thoufand echoes, rolls far be- 
iieath his feet. 

But lofty as the tropical mountains gene- 
rally are, it is wonderfully true, that all the 
known parts of their fummits furnifli incon- 
teftible evidence that the lea had once dojui- 
nion over them. Even their appearance at a 
diftance affords an argument inl'upportof this 
conclufion. Their ridges refemble billows, 
tnd their various inequalities, inflexions, and 
convexities, feem juftly afcribable to the fluc- 
tuations of the deep. As in other countries 
too, marine ihells are found in great abundance 
in various parts of thefe heights. I have feen 
on a mountain in the interior parts of Jamaica 
petrified oyfters dug up, which perfeAly re- 
fembled, in every the mod minute particular, 
the large oyfters of the weftern coaft of Eng- 
land ; a fpecies not to be found at this time, I 
believe, in the feas of the Weft Indies. Here, 
then, is an ample field for conjedure to expa- 
tiate in ; and indeed few fubjeds have afford- 
ed greater exercife to the pens of phyfical wri- 
ters, than the appearances I have mentioned. 
Some philofophers aflign the origin of all the 
various inequalities of the earth to the rava- 
ges of the deluge. Others, coniidering the 
mountains as the parents of fprings and rivers, 
maintain that they are coeval with the world ; 
and that, firft emerging from the abyfe, they 
were created with it. Some again al'cribe them 
to the force of volcanos and earthquakes : " the 

" Almighty/^ 

424 H I S T O R Y O F T H E 

BOOK endlefs, and the labours of the^ifeftof men 
I- afford but a glimmering of light to direft us 
in tracing the wonders of Creation. They 
who feem bell qualified to contemplate the 
works of the Deity, will mod readily ac- 
knowledge that it is not for men to unfold 
the page of Omnipotence ! — Happy, if to 
confcious Ignorance they add humble adora- 
tion. . ^' 

CHAP. 11. 

Of the CharaiheSy or ancient Inhabitants of the 
Windward Iflands. — Origin. — Difpculties at^ 
tending an accurate invejligation of their 
charaSer.-^Such particulars related as are 
leaji difputed concerning their manners and 
difpojitions, perfoths and domeflic habits j edu^ * 
cation of their children-, artSy mamfaBureSy 
and government y religious riteSy funeral ce^ 
femonieSy £f^c. — Sofne refedions drawn from, 
the whole. 

JlTAVING thus given an account of the 
climate and feafons, and endeavoured to coti- 
vey to the reader feme faint idea of the beauty 
and magnificenfce with which the hand of 
Nature arrayed the furface of thefe numerous 
Iflando, I ihall now prdceed to e&quire after 



thofe inhabitants to whofe fupport and conve- CliAl^. 
niency they were chiefly found fubferviettt, ^^• 
when they firft came to the knowledge oiF^ 

It hath been obferved in the preceding 
chapter that Columbus, on his firft arrival at 
Hifpaniola, received information of a barba- 
rous and warlike people, a nation of Canni- , 
bals, who frequently made depredations oa 
that, and the neighbouring Iflands. They 
were called Caribbees, or Cnaraibes> and were 
reprefented as coming from the Eaft. Colum- 
bus, in his fecond voyage, difcovered that they 
were the inhabitants of , the Windward Iflands. 
The great difference in language and charao» 
ter between thefe favages and the inhabitants of 
Cuba, Hifpaniola, Jamaica and Porto-Rico, 
hath given birth to an opinion that their ori- 
gin alfo, was different. Of this there feems 
indeed to be but little doubt ; but the queftion 
from whence each clafs of Iflands was firft 
peopled, is of more difficult folution. Roche- 
fort, who publiflied his account of the Antiles 
in 1658, pronounces the Charaibes to have 
been originally a nation of Florida, in North 
America.— ^He fuppofes that a colony of the 
Apalachian Indiansi having. been driven from 
that continent, arrived at the Windward If- 
lands, and exterminating the ancient male in*^ 
habitants, took poflfeflion of their lands, and 
their women. Of the larger iflands above- 
mentioned, he prcfumes that the * natural 
ftrength, extent and population affording fe- 
curity to the natives, thefe happily efcaped the 
deffruftion which overtook their unfortunate 
neighbours ; and thus arofe the diftindion ob- 



BOOK, fervable between the inhabitants of the larger 
I- and foialler iflands** 

To this account of the origin of the Infular 
Charaibes, the generality of hiftorians have 
given their affent ; but there are doubts attend- 
ing it that are not eafily folved. If they mi- 
grated from Florida, the imperfedl ftate and na- 
tural courfe of their navigation, induce a be- 
lief that traces of them would have been found 
on thofe iflands which are near to the Florida 
Shore ; yet the natives of the Bahamas, when 
difcovered by Columbus, were evidently a fi- 
milar people to thole of Hifpaniola f . Befides, 
it is fufficiently known that there exifted anci- 
ently many numerous and powerful tribes of 
Charaibes, on the Southern Peninfula, extend- 
ing from the river Oronoko to Effequebe, and 
throughout the whole province of Surinam, 
even to Brafil ; forne of which ftill maintain 
their independency. It was with one of thofe 
tribes that our countryman Sir Walter Raleigh 
formed an alliance, when that commander 
made his romantic expedition to the coaft of 
Guiana in 1595 | ; and by him we are affured 
that the Charaibes of that part of the Conti- 
nent, -fpoke the language of Dominica §. I in- 
cline therefore to the opinion of Manyr ||, and 
conclude that the iflanders were rather a Co- 
lony from the Charaibes of South America, 
than from any nation of the North. Rochefort 
admits that tneir own traditions referred con- 


• Rochefort Hiftoire des Iflct Antillct, liv. ii. c. vii. 
See alfo, P. Labat nouveau Voyage aux Ides de L'Ameri- 
<]ue, torn. iv. c. xv. 

t Herera, lib. ix. chap. li. 

t Bancroft's Hiftory of Guiana, p. 2$^ 

§ Haklujt, vol. iii. p. 668. 

II P. Mart/r, Decad. 2. lib. L 

W E ST I N D I E8. *j% 

ilantly to Guiana*. It does not appear tbat CHAP. 
they entertained the moft remote idea of a ^^ 
Northern anceftry. ^ 

It may be thought, perhaps, that the Con- 
tinental Charaibes, were therafelves emigrants 
from the Northern to the Southern Peninfula : 
But, without attempting to controvert the po* 
fition, to which recent difcoveries feem indeed 
to have given a full confirmation, namely that 
the Afiatic Continent firft furaiftied inhabitants 
to the contiguous North-Weftern parts of 
America, I conceive the Charaibes to have 
been a diftinft race, widely differing from all 
the Nations of the New Hemifphere; and I 
am even inclined to adopt the opinion of Hor- 
nius and other writers, who afcribe to them 
an oriental anceftry from acrofs the Atlantic f. 

Enquiries however into the origin of a re- 
mote and unlettered race, can be profecuted 
with fuccefs only by comparing their ancient 
manners, laws, language, and religious cere* 
monies with thofe of otner nations. Unfortu- 
nately, in all or mofl of thofe particulars re- 
fpeiling the Charaibes, our knowledge is li- 
mited within a narrow circle. Of a people 
engaged in perpetual! warfare, hunted from 
ifland to ifland by revenge and rapacity, few 
opportunities could have offered, even to thofe 
who might have been qualified for fuch re- 


* Rochefort, liv. ii. c. vil. See alfo, Note 94 to Dr. 
Robertfon's Hiftory of America. The people called Gali- 
b'u^ mentioned by Dr. R. are the Charaibes of the Conti- 
nent, the term Galihh or C alibis (as it is written by Du 
Tertre) being, as I conceive, corrupted from Carthhet. 
Vide Laiitau, torn. i. p. 297. and Du Tertre, torn. ii. p. 

t Some arguments in f^pport of this opinion are fub- 
joined in the Appendix to Book I. 


BOOK fearches, of invcftigating the natural difl>oflti- 
^- ons and habitual cuftoms with minutenefs ^nd 
precifion. Neither indeed could a juft efti- 
mate have been fortned of their national cha- 
rafter, from the manners' of fuch of them ad 
were at length fubjugated to the European 
yoke ; for they loft, together Avith their free- 
dom, many of their original charaderiftics i 
and at laft even the defire of afting frdm the 
impulfe of their own minds. We difcern, 
fays Rochefort*, a wonderful change in the 
difpofitions and habits of the Charaibes. In 
fome refpefts we have enlightened, in others 
(to our fhame be it fpoken) we have corrupted 
them. An old Charaibe thus addreffed on^ 
of our planters on this fubjeft :— " Our people, 
" he complained, are become almoft as bad a* 
" ydurs. — We are fo much altered fince you 
" came among us, that we hardly know bur-^ 
" felves, and we think it is owing to fo me- 
" lancholy a change, that hurricanes are more 
" frequent than they were formerly. It is 
" the evil fpirit who has done all this,— -who 
" has taken our beft lands from us, and given 
" us up to the dominion of the Chriftians f- 


* Rochefert. liv. ii. ch. ix. p. 436. 

t This extra A from Rochetbrt is furelj a fufEcicnt an- 
fvver to tke obfervations of Monf. de Chanvaloti, who 
wrote fo late as 1751, and judging of ali the Charaibes 
from the few with whom he had any communication, repre- 
fents ihein as notpoITeffing any fagacity or forefight beyond 
mere -animal inUindl. He mAes ho allowance for theh' 
tl'egradation in a flate of captivity and fervitude, although 
in another part of his book, fpeaking of the African black* 
in the Weft Indies, he dwells ftrongly bd this circutnftance 
rtfpefting the latter. " Peut on coniittitre (he obferves) 
'* Ic vrai genie d'un pcuple opprimc, qui volt fans ceffe let 
•* chaiimens leves fur fa lete, et la violence toujours pr^te 


My prefent inveftigatioa muft therefore be CHAP, 
jieceflarily defed^ive. Neverthelefs, byfeleft- H- 
ing and combining fuch memorials as are leaft ' 
controverted, I Ihall hope to exhibit a few 
ftriking particulars in the cbara&er of this ill- 
fated people, which, if I miftake not, will lead 
to fome important concluiiops fai the fiudy of 
human nature. 

Their fierce fpirit and warlike difppiitioi^ 
)iave already been mentioned. Hiftorians have 
not failed to notice thefe, among the moil dif- 
tinguifhable of their qualities *. — Reftlefs, ea* 
terprizing and ardent, it would feem they con* 
fidered war as the chief end of their creation^ 
and the reft of the human race as their natu- 
ral prey ; for thev devoured without reniorfe 
the bodies of fucn of their enemies (the men 
at leaft) as fell into their hands. — This cuftonj 
is fo repugnant to our feelings, that for a cen- 

** a £trefoutenue par la politique et la filkret^ publiquef 
" Peut on jugcr de la valeur, quand elle eft enchaln6e, et 
•• fans armes?"— Voyage a la Martinique, p. 58. 

* Dr. Robertfon, in note 93 to the firft vol. of hi|i 
Biftory of America* c^Uotes from a MS. Hiftor/ of Ferdi- 
nand and Ifabella, written by Andrew Bernaldes, the co- 
temporary and friend of Columbus, the following inftance 
of tne bravery of the Charaibes. ** A canoe with four 
" men, two women, and a boy, unexpcdcdly fell in with 
** Columbus's fleet. ASpanilh bark with 25 men was fent 
" to take them, and the fleet in the mean time cut off their 
•• communication with the fhore. Inftead of giving way 
*/• to defpair, the Charaibes feized their arms with undaunt- 
•• ed refolution, and began the attack, wuunded feveral of 
•• the Spaniards although they had targets as well at other 
" defenlive armour, and even after the canoe was overfet, 
*' it was with nd little difficulty and danger that fome of 
" them were iecured, as they continued to defend themfeives, 
" and to ui'e their bows with great dexterity while fwim- 

" niing in the lea." Herrara has recorded the fame 



BOOK tury paft, until the late difcoveries of afimilar 
I- praftice in the countries of the Pacific Ocean, 
the philofophers of Europe had boldly im- 
peacned the veracity of the moft eminent an- 
cient voyagers who had firft recorded the ex- 
iftence of it. Even Labat, who refided in the 
Weft Indies at a period when fome of the 
Iflands ftiU remained in pofleflioil of the Cha* 
raibes, declares it to be his opinion that inftan- 
€63 of this abominable pradice among them, 
were at all times extremely rare ; — the eflFeft 
only of a fudden impulfe of revenge arifing 
from extraordinary and unprovoked injury; 
but that they ever made premeditated excurli- 
ons to the larger iflands for the purpofe of de- 
vouring any of the inhabitants, or of feizing 
them to be eaten at a future time, he very con- 
fidently denies *. 

Neverthelefs there is no circumftance in the 
Hiftory of Mankind better attefted than the 
univeifal prevalence of thefe pradlices among 
them. Columbus was not only informed of it by 
the natives of Hifpaniola, as I have already re- 
lated, but having landed himfelf at Guadaloupe 
on its firft difcovcry f, he beheld in feveral 
cottages the head ana limbs of the human body 
recently feparated, and evidently kept for oc- 
cafional repafts: He releafed, at the fame time, 
feveral of the natives of Borriquen (or Porto 
Rico) who, having been brought captives from 
thence, were refervcd as viAims for the fame 
horrid purpofe .J 


♦ Labat. torn. iv. p. 322. t November 4, 1493. 

J F- Columbus, cap. xlvi. Peter Manyr, Decad. L 
lib. ii. Herrara, lib. ii. cap. vii. See alfo Bancroft's 
iPiftory of Guiana, p. 259, who ia of opinion, that no 



Thus far it mull be confeffed, the difpofition CHAP, 
of the Charaibes leaves no very favourafcle ^' 
imprefiion on the mind of the reader; by"^ ^ 
whom it is probable they will be confidered 
rather as beafts of prey, than as human beings ; 
and he will think, perhaps, that it was nearly 
as juftifiable to exterminate them from the 
earth, as it would be to deftroy the fierceft 
monfters of the wildemefs ; lince they who 
dew no mercy, are entided to no pity. — 

But among themfelves they were peaceable, 
and towards each other faithful, friendly and 
affedionate*. They confidered all ftrangers 
indeed, as enemies; and of the people of 
Europe they formed a right eftimation. — The 
antipathy which they manifefted towards the 
unofienoing natives of the larger iflands ap- 
pears extraordinary ; but it is faid to have de- 
icended to them from their anceflors of Guiana : 
they confidered thofe iflanders as a colony of 
Arrowauks, a nation of South America, with 
whom the Charaibes of that continent* are con- 
tinually at war f . We can affign no caufe for 
fuch hereditary and irreconcileable hoftility. — 
The cuftom of eating the bodies of thofe they 
had flain in battle excites our abhorrence, yet 
it may be doubted whether this abhorrence does 
not arife as much from the bias of our educa- 
tion, as from the fpontaneous and original dic- 
tates of our nature. It is allowed that with 
regard to the people of Europe, whenever 
any of them had acquired their confidence, 


other tribe of Indians in Guiana eat human flefh but the 
Charaibes. Amongft thefe, the proof that this practice 
ftin fubfifts is inconteftible. 

* Rochefort, liv. ii. cap. xi. Du Tertre. torn* ii. p. 359. 

t Rochefort, liv. ii. chap. x. p 449. 


BOOK it was given without referve. Their friendfliip 
Jt- was as w^rm as t|ieir enmity was implacable. 
The Charaibes of Guiana ilill fondly cherifh 
the tradition of Raleigh's alliance, and to this 
day preferve the Englifli colours which he left 
with them at parting *• 

Of the loftinefs of their fentiments and their 
abhorrence of flaverv, a writer, not very par- 
tial towards them, gives the following illuftra- 
tion : " There is not a nation on earth (fays 
" Labat) f more jealous of their independen- 
" cy than the Charaibes. They are impatient 
*• under the leaft infringement of it; and 
** when, at any time, they are witneffes to the 
^* refpedl and deference which the natives of 
^' Europe obferve towards their fuperiors, 
^* they defpife us as abjed flaves ; wondering 
" how any man can be fo bafe as^ to crouch 
*' before his equal." Rochefort, who con- 
firms this account, relates alfo that when kid- 
liapped and carried from their native iflands in- 
to flavery, as they frequently were, the miferable 
citptives commonly funk under a fepfe of theijr 
condition, and nnding refinance or efcap^ 
hopelef^, fought refuge in death from the cala- 
mities of it J. 

To this principle of confcious equality and 
native dignity, muft be imputed the contempt 
which they manifefted for the inventions and 


* Bancroft, p. 259. 

t Labat, torn. iv. p. 329. 

:i^ Rochefort, liv. ii. cap. xi. Labat relates that 
the following fentinient was proverbial among the firfl 
French fcttlers in the Wiod ward Iflands: — " Regarder da 
** tracers un Charaibes c*ejl le hattre^ ^^9^^ ^^ ^^ bait re cefi 
** le iuery ou s* expnfer a en elre.tue.** Labat, torn. ii. p. 



improvements of civilized life. Of our fire- CHAP, 
arms they foon learnt by fatal experience, the ^^' 
fuperiority to their own weapons, and thofe 
therefore they valued : but our arts and manu- 
fadlures they regarded as we regard the amufe- 

ments and baubles of children : hence the 

propenfity to theft, fo common among other 
fav^ge nations, was altogether unknown to the 

The ardour which has been noticed in them 
for military enterprize, had a powerful influ- 
ence on their whole condudl. Engaged ia 
continual warfare abroad, they feldom ap- 
peared chearful at home. Reflexions on pad 
mifcarriage, or anxious fchemes of future 
achievement, feemed to fill up many of their 
hours, and rendered them habitually thought- 
ful," penfive and filent *. Love itfelf, which 
exerts its influence in the frozen deferts of 
Iceland, maintained but a feeble dominion 
over the Charaibes f. Their infenfibility to- 
wards their women, ahhough they allowed a 
plurality of wives J, has been remarked by 
many writers ; and it muft have arifen from 
extriniic caufes; — from the predominance of 
paflions ftrong enough to counteraft the effeils 
of a climate which powerfully difpofes to vo- 
luptuoufnefs, and awakens the inftinfts of na- 
ture much fooner than colder regions. The 
prevailing bias of their minds was dillinguifli- 
able even in their perfons. Though not fo tall 
as the generality of Europeans, their frame 
was robuft and mufcular ; their limbs flexible 
and adivc, and there was a penetrating quick- 

VoL. I. D nefs, 

* Du Tertre, torn. ii. t Rochefort, c. xi. 
I Ibid, c. xxii. 



BOOK nefs, and awildnefs in their eyes, that feemed 
J-_ , ^^ emanation from a fierce and martial fpirit *. 
" But, not fatisfied with the workmanftiip of na- 
ture, they called in the affiftance of art, to 
make themfelves more formidable. They 
painted their faces and bodies with arnotto fo 
extravagantly, that it was with difficulty their 
natural complexion, which was nearly that of a 
Spanifh olive, was difcoverable under the fur- 
face of crimfon f- However, as this mode of 
painting themfelves was \pra6lifed by both fexes, 
perhaps it was at firft introduced as a defence 
againft the venomous infefts To common in tro- 
pical climates, or poffibly they conlidered the 
brilliancy of the colour as highly ornamental ; 
but the men had other methods of deforming 
their perfons, which mere perverfion of tafte 
alone, would not, I think, have induced them 
to adopt. They disfigured their cheeks with 
deep incifions and hideous fears, which they 
ftained with black, and they painted white and 
black circles round their eyes. Some of them 
perforated the cartilage of the noftrils, and 
inferted the bone of fome fifh, a parrot's fea- 
ther, or a fragment of tortoifelhell J,^— a fright- 
ful cuftom, praftifed alfo by the natives of 
New Holland ||, and they ftrung together the 
teeth of fuch of their enemies as they had flain 


* Ov iedo, lib. iii. This agrees likewife with the Che- 
/valier Pinto's account of the Brafilians in note 42 to vol. 
i. of Dr. Robertfon's Hiftory. " At the firft afpcft 
** a Southern American appears to be mild and innocent, 
'* but, on a more attentive veiw, one dilcovers in his coun* 
" tenance fomething wild, diftruftful and fullen." 

t Rochefort, liv. ii. c. ix. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 539. 

X Rochefort, liv. ii. c. ix., Purchas, vol. iv. p. 11 57. 
Du Tertre, torn. ii. p. 391, 393. 

II HawkdTworth's Vp/ages, vol. iii. p. 171. 



in battle, and wore them on their legs and arms, CHAP, 
as trophies of fuccefsful cruelty *. ^^• 

To draw the bow with unerring Ikill, to*^ 
wield the club with dexterity and ftrength, to 
fwim with agility and boldnefs, to catch fifh 
and to build a cottage, were acquirements of 
indifpenfible neceflity, and the education of 
their children was well fuited to the attain- 
ment of them. One method of making their 
boys Ikilful, even in infancy, in the exercife 
of the bow, was to fufpend their food on the 
branch of a tree, compelling the hardy urchins 
to pierce it with their arrows, before they 
could obtain permiffion to eatf. But thele 
were fubordinate objefts :— The Charaibes in- 
ftrufted their youth, lat the fame time, in lef- 
fons of patience and fortitude; they endea- 
voured to infpire them with course in war, 
and a contempt of danger and death ; — ^abovc 
all things to inftil into their minds an heredi- 
tary hatred, and implacable thirft of revenge 
D z towards 

* Gumilla, torn. i. p. 193. 

t See Rochefort, c. xxviii. p. 555, and Gumilla, torn. 
ii. p. 283. Their arrows were commonly poifoned, ex- 
cept when they made their military excuriions by night. 
On thofe occafions they converted them into inilruments of 
Hill greater mifchief ; for by arming the points with pled- 
gets of cotton dipt into oil, and fet on flame, they fired 
whole villages of their enemies at a diftance^. The poi- 
fbn v^hich they ufed, was a concodllon of noxious gums 
and vegetable juices f, and had the property of being per- 
fectly innocent when received into the ilomach, but 
if conununicated immediately to the blood, through the 
flightefl wound, it was generally mortal. The Indians of 
Guiana dill prepare a umilar poifon. It is fuppofed how- 
ever that fugar ipeedily adminiilered in large quantities, is 
an antidote. (See Relation Jibreg^e cCun Voyage^ ^c, par 
Mwf* de la Condamtne^ and Bancroft's Hill, of Guiana.) 
• Rochcfort, ch. xx. p. 559. t Ovicdo, lb. iii. 



BOOlt towards the Arawauks. The means whicli 
they adopted fot thefe purpofes were in fome 
refpeifls fuperftitious ; in others cruel and de- 

As foon as a male child was brought into 
the world, he was fprijakled with fome drops 
of his father's blood. The ceremonies ufed 
on this occafion were fufficiently paiinful to the 
father, but he fubnlittcd without emotion or 
complaint ; fondly believing that the fame de- 
gree of courage which he had himfelf dif- 
played, was by thefe means traufmitted to his 
fon *. As the boy gre#, he was foon made 
familiar with fcenes of barbarity ; he partook 
of the horrid repafts of his nation, and he 
was frequently anointed with the fat^ of a 
flaughtered Arrowauk; but he was not allow- 
ed to participate in the toil$ of the warrior, 
and to fliare the glories of conqueft, until his 
fortitude had been ^jrought to the teft. The 
dawn of manhood uftiered in th^ hour of fe- 
vere trial. He was now to exchange the 
name he had received in his 'infancy, for one 
more founding and fignificant; — a ceremony 
of high importance in the life of a Charaibe, 
but always accompanied by a fcene of fero« 
cious feftivity and unnatural cruelty f . 

The feverities infliAed on fuch occafions by 
the hands of fathers on their own children, 
exhibit a melancholy proof of the influence of 
fuperftition in fuppreffiug the moft powerful 
feelings of nature; but the pradice was not 
without example. Plutarch records the pre- 

* Rochefort, liv. ii. c. xxv. p. 552. 
t Rochefort, liv. ii. c. xxiii, p. 556. Du Tertre, vol. 
ii. p. 377. 

WEST 1 N D t E S. ^ 37 

valence of a fimilar cuftom among the Lacede- CHAP, 
moniand. ** At Sparta/* fays the Hiflorian, ^ ^^• 
" boys are whipped fot a whole day, often- ^ ^ 
^^ times to death, before the altar of Diana, 
" and there is a wonderful emulation among 
" them who beft can fuftain the greateft num- 
" ber of ftripes/' Nor did the Charaibe 
youth, yield in fortitude to the Spartan. If 
the fcverities he fuftained extorted the leaft 
fymptom of weaknefs from the^ young fuiferer, 
he was difgraeed for ever ; — but if* he rofe fu- 
perior to pain, and baffled the rage of his per- 
fceutors, by perfeverance and ferenity, he re- 
ceived the higheft apphufe. He was thence- 
forth numbered among the defenders of his 
country, and it was . pronounced by his rela- 
tions and countrymen, that he was now a man 
likeone of tkemfelves. ' 

A penance ftill more fevere, and torments more 
excruciating; ftripes, burning and fufFocation, 
conllituted a teft for him who afpired to the 
honour of leading forth his c6untrymen to 
war*; for in times of peace the Charaibes 
•admitted of no fupremacy bilt that bf nature. 
Having no lawis, they needed no magiftrates. 
To their old men indeed they allowed fome 
Wnd of authority, but it Was at beft ill-de- 
fined, and muft at all times have been infuf- 
fieient to proteft the weak againft the ftrong. 
—In war, hiowever, experience had taught 
them that fiAorditaation as was requifite as cou- 
rage ; they flierefore elefted their captains in 
their general affemblies with great folemnity f ; 
but, as hath been obferved, they put their pre- 


* Rochefort, liv. ii. cap. xix. p. 519. Purchas, vol. iv. 
p. 1 262. Gumilla, torn. ii. p. a86. Lafitau, torn. i. p. 
397, et fcq. t Roch^tort, ch. xxiii.-p. 553. 


B,OOK tenfions to the proof with circumftanccs of 
J^ . outrageous barbarity : — the recital however is 
' difgufting, and may well be fuppreflfed. 

If it appears ftrange that where fo little was 
to be gained by preheminence, fo much (hould 
be fo willingly endured to obtain it, it muft 
be confidered that, in the eftimation of the 
candidate, the reward was doubtlefs more than 
adequate to the coft of the purchafe. If fuc- 
cefs attended his meafures, the feafl and the 
triumph awaited his return. He exchanged 
his name a fecond time ; afluming in future 
that of the moft formidable Arrowauk that had 
fallen by his hand *. He was permitted to 
appropriate to himfelf, as many of the cap- 
tives as he thought fit, and his countr}'meu 
prefcnted to his choice the moft beautiful of 
their daughters in reward of his valour f • 

It was probably this laft mentioned teftimo- 
ny of public efteem and gratitude that gavp 
rife in thefe Iflands to the inftitution of poly- 
gamy, which, as hath been already obferved, 
prevailed univerfally a^mong them, and ftill pre- 
vails among the Charaibes of South Ameri- 
ca I ;-t-an inftitution \he more excufeable, as 
their women from religious motives, carefully 
avoided the nuptial intercourfe after pregnan?- 
cy II . I am forry to add, that the condition 
of thefe poor creatures was at the fame time 
truly wretched. Though frequently beftowed 
as the prize of fuccefsful courage, the wife 
thus honourably obtained, was foon confider- 

* Rochefort, ch. xxiii. p. 553. 
t Rochefort, ch, xxii. p. 546. 
J Bancroft, p. 254. 

II Rochefort, ch. xxii. p. 548. ' Du Tertre, torn. ii. p, 

W E S T I N D I E S. ,39 

ed of as little value as the captive. Deficient CHAP, 
in thofe qualities which alone were eftimable ^^' 
among the Charaibes, the females were treated ' 
rather as flaves than companions. They fuf- 
tained every fpecies of drudgery: They 
ground the maize, prepared the caffavi, ga- 
thered in the cotton and wove the hamack * ; 
nor were they allowed even the privilege of 
eating in prefence of their hulbands f : Under 
all thefe cruel circumftances it is not wonder- 
ful that they were far lefs prolific than the wo- 
men of Europe J. Rut brutality towards their 
wives was not peculiar to the Charaibes. It 
has prevailed in all ages and countries among 
the uncivilized part of mankind; and the firft 
vifible proof that a people is emerging from 
favage manners, is a difplay of tendernefs to- 
wards the female fex || . 

Perhaps a more intimate knowledge (not 
now to be obtained) would have foftened ma- 
ny of the Ihades which thus darken the cha-^ 
rader of thefe iflanders, and have difcovered 


* Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1272. Labat, torn. ii. p. 40. 

t Labat, torn. ii. p. iS and 95. 

% I«afitau, torn. i. p. 590. 

H Father Jofeph Gumilla, in his account of the nations 
bordering on the Oronoko, relates (torn. i. p. 207. Fr. 
tranilation) that the Charaibes of the Continent punifh 
their women caught in adultery, like the ancient Ifraelites, hy 
" ftonine them to death before an affembly of the people/* 
but as I do not find this fad recorded by a ny other writer, 
and becauie it is evidently brought forward to fupport the 
author's h3rpotheiis that the Americans are originally de- 
fcended from the Jews, I fufpedt that it is not well found- 
ad :— at leaft there is no trace that fuch a cuilom exifled 
among the infular Charaibes. Rochefort fpeaktng of the 
Litter, obiervcs, that before they had any intercourfe with 
the ChrifUans they had no eilabliihed puniihment for adulte- 



BOOK fome latent properties in their principles and 
^' conduft, tending to leflen, though not wholly 
to remove the difguft we naturally feel in be- 
liolding human nature fo debafed and degrad- 
ed ; but of many particulars wherein curiofity 
would defire to be gratified, we have not fuffi- 
cient materials to enable us to form a full and 
correft idea. We know but little for inftance 
concerning their domeftic oeconomy, their arts, 
manufaflures and agriculture ; their feufe of 
filial and paternal obligations, or their religi- 
ous rites and funeral ceremonies. Such further 
information however, in thefe and other re- 
fpefts, as authorities the leaft difputable afford, 
I have abridged in the following detached ob- 

Befides the ornaments t^^hich we have 
noticed to have been worn by both fexes, the 
w omen on arriving at the age of puberty, were 
diftinguifhed alfo by a fort of bufkin or half 
boot, made of cotton, which furrounded the 
fmall of each leg *. A diftinftion, however, 
which fuch of their females as had been taken 


ry, becaufe (fays he) "the crime itfelf was uninown.*'— 
He adds, that when this, with Other European vices, was 
introduced among them, the injured hufband became liis 
. own avenger.^-T-I^abat's reafbning on this head is too curi- 
ous to be omitted : "II n'y a que les femmes qui foient 
** obligees a robeiffance, et dont les hommies foient abfolu- 
*' ment les maiires. lis portent cctte fuperiorite jufqu* a 
** i'exces, et les tuent pour dcs fujets tres legers. Un foiq>- 
" con d'infidelite, bien ou mal fbnde, fuifit, fans autre 
" formalite, pour les mettre en droit d^ leur cafTer la t6te. 
** Cela ejl un peu favvage a la verke ; mats ce\ft unfrtm lien 
** pt'opncpour rcienir les femmes dans kur ilevoir.*' Tom. iv. 

* Rochefort, liv. ii. c. ix. p, 446« Purchas, vol. ir. p. 
1159. Labat, torn. ii. p. 12. 


in the chance of war, dared not afpire to*. CHAP, 
In other refpefts both male and female appear- J^* 
ed as naked as our firft parents before the '^ ^ " 
fallf. Like them, as they knew no guik, 
they knew no fhame ; nor was clothing thought 
neceffary to perfonal comfort, where the chiil 
blaft of winter was never felt. 

Their hair was uniformly of a ihining black, 
ftrait and coarfe ; but they dreffed it with 
daily care, and adoriied it with great art ; the 
men, in particular, decorating their heads 
with feathers of various colours. As their hair 
thus conftituted their chief pride, it was an 
unequivocal proof of the fincerity of their for- 
Tow, when, on the death of a relation or friend, 
ihey cut it fhort J like their Haves and cap- 
tives ; to w^om the privilege of wearing long 
hair was rigoroufly denied || . Like moft other 
nations of the New Hemifphere, they era- 
dicated, with great nicety, the incipient 
beard §, and all fuperfluous hairs on their 
bodies ; — a circumftance which has given rife 
to a notion that all the Aborigines of America 
werfe naturally beardlefs. This opinion is in- 
deed countenanced by many refpeftable writers, 
but after much enquiry, and fome inftances of 
-ocular infpedlion, I am fatisfied that it is 

The circumftance the moft remarkable con- 
cerning their perfons, was their ftrange prac- 
tice of altering the natural configuration of the 


♦ Du Tertre, torn. ii. p. 394. 

t Rochefort, liv. ii. c. ix. p. 441. Purchas, toL iv.p. 

% Rochefort, Hv. ii. c. ix. p. 439. Du Tertre, torn. ii. 
p. 412. 

II Du Tertre, torn. il. p. 405. 
i Du Tertre, torn. ii. p. 392. 



BOOK head. On the birth of .a child its tender and 
^- flexible fkuU was confined between two fmall 
pieces . of wood, which, applied before and 
behind, and firmly bound together on eath 
fide, elevated the forehead, and occafioned it, 
and the back part of the fkuU, to refemble 
two fides of a fquare * ; an uncouth and fright- 
ful cuftom, ftill obferved, if I am rightly in- 
formed, by the miferable remnant. of Charaibes 
in the Ifland of St. Vincent f . 

They refided in villages which refembled an 
European encampment ; for their cabins were 
built of poles fixed circularly in the ground, 
and drawn to a point at the top J. They were 
then covered with leaves of the palm-tree. In 
the centre of each village was a building of 
fuperior magnitude to the reft. It was form- 
ed with great labour, and ferved as a public 
hall or ftate houfe ||, wherein we are affured 
that the men (excluding the women) had their 
meals in common ; " obferving that law" (faith 
the Earl of Cumberland, who vifited thefe 
Iflands in 1596) " which in Lycurgus's mouth 
" was thought ftrange and neealefs§." Thefe 
halls were alfo the theatres where their youth 
were animated to emulation and trained to 


* Oviedo, lib. iii. Rochefort, liv. ii. c. ix. 

t I have been told by anatomies that the coronal future 
of new-born children in the Weft Indiei is commonly more 
npen than that of infants born in colder climates, and the 
brain more liable to external injury. Perhaps therefore 
the Indian cuftom of deprelfing the os frontls and the occi- 
put, v/as originally meant to alfift the operation of nature 
m clofing the ikull. 

\ P. Martyr, decad. i. lib. ii. 

II Ibid. Rochefort, liv. ii. c. xvi« Lafitau, torn. ii. p. 8. 

§ Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1159. 


martial enterf)rife by the renown of their war- CHAP, 
riors, and the harangues of their orators. ■ ^ ^^• 

Their arts and manufadnres, though few/ 
difplaved a degree of ingenuity which one 
woulcl have fcarcely expeded to have found 
amongft a people fo little removed from a (late 
of mere animal nature, as to reje£l all drefs as 
fuperfluous. Columbus obferved an abundance 
of fubflantial cotton cloth in all the iflands 
which he vifited, and the natives poflefled the 
art of (lining it with various colours, though 
the Charaibes delighted chiefly in red *. Of 
this cloth they made hammocks, or hanging 
beds, fuch as are now ufed at fea ; — for Europe 
has not only copied the pattern, but preferved 
alfo the original name f. 

They poffefTed likewife the art of making 
veflfels of clay for domeftic ufes, which they 
baked in kilns like the potters of Europe. 
The ruins of many of thefe kilns were vifible . 
not long finciC in Barbadoes, where fpecimens 
of the manufafture are flill frequently dug up ; 
and Mr. Hughes, the hiflorian of that ifland, 
obferves, that they far furpafs the earthen ware 
.made by the negroes, in thinnefs, fmoothnefs 
and beauty J. Befides thofe, they invented 
various other utenfils for ©economical purpofes, 
which are enumerated by Labat. The balkets 


* Labat, torn. ii. p. ^o. 

t All the early Spanifh and French writers expreftly 
affert, that the original Indian name for their Twinging 
beds was amack or hammock ; — but Dr. Johnfon derives the 
Engliih word hammock from the Saxon. 

X Nat. Hift. of Barbadoes, p. S. Ligon, who vifited 
this iiland in 1647, declares tnat fome of theie veflels, 
which he faw, even furpaffed any earthen-ware made in 
England "both" (to ufe his own words) "in finefle of 
*' mettle, and curiofity of turninge." 


BOOK which they compofed of the fibres of the 
I- palmeto leaves, were fingularly elegant, and 
we' are told that thfcir bows and arrows, 
other weapons, difplayed a neatnefs and 
polilli, which the moft fkilful European artift 
would have found it difficult to have excelled, 
even \\ath European tools. 

Of the nature and extent of their agriciul- 
turethe accounts are flender and unfatisfadlory. 
We are told on good authority,, that among 
the Charaibes of the Continent, there was no 
divifion of land, everyone cultivating in pro- 
portiijn to his exigencies*. Where no crimi- 
nal jurifdi<^tion i« eftabliflifed, the idea of pri- 
vate property muft neceffarily be unknown or 
imperfed; and in thefe iflands where land is 
fcarce, it feems probable that, as among fome 
of the tribes of South America f, cultivation 
was carried on by the joint labour of each fe 
parate community, and their harvefts depofited 
in public granaries, whence each family received 
its proportion of the public ftock. — Rochefort 
indeed obferves.that all their interefts were in 

Their food, both vegetable and animal, ex- 
cepting in the circumftance of their eating hu- 
man Befh, feems to have been the fame, in moft 
refpeds, as that of the natives of the larger 
iflands, which fhall be defcribed hereafter. 
But although their appetites were voracious J, 
they rejefted many of the beft bounties of na- 
ture. Of fome animals they held the flelh in 
abhorrence; thefe were the pecary, or Mexican 
hog, the manati, or fea cow, and the turtle (|. 

* Labat 

* Bancroft, p. 254. f Cumilla, torn. i. p. 26$. 

J Gumilla, torn. ii. p. it, 70, 237. Xffitau, torn. i. 
Ij i^ochefort, liv. ii. c. 16. 

W E S T I N I? I E S. 45 

Labat obferves that they fcrupled likewife i,o CHAP, 
eat the eel, which the rivers, in feveral of the ^I- 
idaads, fupply in great plenty *. 

The ftriking conformity of thefe, and fome 
other of their prejudices and cuftoms, to the 
pradices of the Jews, has not efcaped the no- 
tice of hiftoriansf. — But whether the Cha- 
raibes were aftuated by religious motives, in 
thus abftaining from thofe things which many 
nations account very wholefome and delicious 
food, we are qo where fufficiently informed. 

It moft probably was, however, the influ- 
ence of fuperftition that gave rife to thefe and 
other ceremonies equally repugnant to the dic- 
tates of nature and common fenfe ;— one of 
which at firft appears extraordinary and in- 
credible, but it is too ftrongly attefted by hif- 
torians to be denied. On the birth of his firft 
fon the father retired to his bed, and fafted 
with a ftriftnefs that often endangered life J. 
Lafitau, obferving that the fame ceremony was 
pra£lifed by the Tybarenians of Afia, and the 
Iberians or ancient inhabitants of Spain, and 
is ftill in ufe among the people of Japan, not 
only urges this circumftance as a proof among 
others that the new world was peopled from 
the old, but pretends to difcover in it alfo 
fome traces of the doftrine of original fin ; he 
fuppofes that the fevere penance thus volunta- 
rily fubmitted to by the father, was at firft 
inftituted in the pious view of protefting his 


* Labat, torn. iv. p. 304. 

t Gumilla, Adair, Du Tertre, and othets. 

J Du Tenre, torn. ii. 371, 373. Rochefort, liv. ii. c. 
xxiii. p. 550. Labat, torn. iv. p. 368. Lafitau, torn. i. 
p. 49. Nieuhoff relatts that this pradice prevails likewiie 
among the natives of Bralil. Churchill's Voyages, vol. ii. 


iffue from the contagion of hereditary guilt, 
averting the wrath of offended omnipotence 
at the crime of our firft parents, and expia- 
ting their guilt by his fufferings *. 

The ancient Thracians, as we are informed 
by Herodotus, when a male child was brought 
into the world, lamented over him in fad va- 
ticination of his deftiny, and they rejoiced 
when he was releafed by death from thofe 
miferies which they confidered as his inevitable 
portion in Kfe : but, whatever might have been 
the motives that firft induced the Charaibes to 
do penance on fuch occafions, it would feem 
that grief and dejeAion had no great fhare in 
it ; for the ceremony of fafting was immedi- 
ately fucceeded by rejoicing and triumph, by 
drunkennefs and debauchery. Their lamenta- 
tions for the dead feem to have arifen from the 
more laudable diftates of genuine nature ; for, 
unlike the Thracians on thefe folemnities, they 
not only defpoiled their hair, as we have before 
related, but when the matter of the family 
died, the furviving relations, after burying the 
corpfe in the centre of his own dwelling with 
many demonftrations of unaffedled grief, 

auitted the houfe altogether, and erefted ano- 
ier in a diftant fituation +. 
Unfortunately, however, if now and then 
we diftinguifh among them fome faint traces 
of rational piety, our fatisfaftion is of ftiort 
continuance ; 


* Lafitau, torn. i. p. 257. 

t Labat, torn. iv. p. 367. They placed the dead bod/ 
in the grave in a fitting pofture with the knees to the chin. 
Lafitau, toixk ii. p. 407. Du Tertre, torn. ii. p. 40a. 


No light, but TatKer darknefs viiibley 
Serves only to difcover iighs of woe : 

or it is a lights that glimmers for a moment, 
and then fets in blood. 

It is aflerted, and I believe with truth, that 
the cxpedation of a future ftate has prevailed 
amongft all mankind in all ages and countries 
of the world. It is certain that it prevailed 
among the Charaibes^ ; who not only believed 
that death was not the final extindion of their 
being, but pleafed themfelves alfo with the fond 
conceit that their departed relations were 
fccret fpedators of their condu6l ; — ^that they 
ftill fympathized in their fufferings, and parti- 
cipated in their welfare. To thefe notions, fo 
flattering to our wifhes, — ^perhaps congenial to 
our nature, they added others of a dreadful 
tendency ; for, confidering the foul as fufcep- 
tible of the fame impreflions, and obnoxious 
to the fame paffions, as when allied to the 
body, it was thought a religious duty to their 
deceafed heroes to facrifice at their funerals 
fome of the captives which had been taken 
in battle t- Immortality feemed a curfe 
without military glory.: they allotted to 
the virtuous and the brave the enjoyment 
of fupreme felicity, with their wives and their 
captives, in a fort of Mahometan paradife. 
To the degenerate and the cowardly they 
affigned a far different portion: thefe they 
daomed to everlafting banifhment beyond the 
mountains ; — ^to unremitting labour in employ- 

♦ Rochefort, liv. ii. c. 14. 485. Du Tertre, torn. ii. 

p. 372- 

t Kochefort, c. xiv. p. 484. Du Tertre, c. ii. p. 412. 
Purchas, voL iv. p. 1274. 




BOOK ments that difgrace manhood; — and this dif- 
I. grace they fuppofed would be heightened by 
the greateft of all affliftions, captivity and fer- 
vitude amonff the Arro\*auks *. 

One would iniagine that the idea of a ftate of 
retribution after death, neceffarily flowed from a 
well-founded belief in the exiflence of an all- 
wife and almighty Governor and Judge of the 
Univerfe; but we are told, notwithftanding, 
that the minds of the Charaibes were not ele- 
vated to this height. " They admitted," fays 
Rochefort, " that the earth was their bountiful 
" parent, which yielded them all the good 
" things of life, but they were fo lamentably 
" funlt in darknefs and brutality as to have 
" formed no conception of its beneficent 
" Creator, through the continual energy of 
" whofe divine influence alone it yields any 
" thing. They had not even a name for the 
" deity |." Other writers, however, of equal 
authority J, and even the fam^ writer elfe- 
where ||, prefent us with a different reprefen- 
taiion in this refpecl, and allow that the Cha- 
raibes entertained an awful fenfe (perplexed 
indeed and indiftinA) of one great univerfal 
caufe, — of a fuperior, wife, and invifible 
Being, of abfolute and irrefiftable power §. 
Like the ancient heathens, they admitted alfo 
the agency of fubordinate divinities. They 
even fuppofed that each individual perfon had 


* Rochefort, c. xiv. p. 4S5. 

t Rochefort, c. xiii p. 469. ' 

i Du Tenre, 10 ni. ii. p. 364I 

II Rochefort, c. xiv. 

§ The Galibis Indians, or Charaibes of ^oiflh America, 
from whom I have fuppofed the Inlular Charaibes to h^ve 
been immediately defcended, named the Supreme Being 
Titmi'ujf!^ or Unlverfal Father, — Barrtre. 


his peculiar protedor or tutelary Deity *. Nor CHAP, 
is it true as affirmed by fome authors, that _^^ 
they had no notion of praAical worfhip ; for, "^ ^ 
beudes the funeral ceremonies above-mention- 
ed, which arofe furely from a fenfe of miftaken 
piety, they had their lares and penates, gods 
of their own creating, intended as fymbols 
probably of their invifible Deities, to whom 
they offered facrifices, fimilar to thofe of the 
ancient Romans in their days of fimplicity 
and virtue f. It was their cuftom to ereft in 
every cottage a ruftic altar, compofed of 
banana leaves and rufhes, \vhcreon ihef occa- 
fionally placed the earlieft of their fruits, and 
the cnoiceft of their viands, as humble peace 
offerings through the mediation of their infe- 
rior deities to incenfed omnipotence J ; for it 
is admitted that their devotions confifted lefs 
in the effufions of thankfulnefs, than in depre- 
cations of wrath ;— -but hereiti neither were 
they diftinguiftiable from the reft of mankind, 
cither in the old world or th^ new. We can 
all forget benefits though we impl<>re mercy. 
Vol. I. E ' Strange 

* Rochefort, c. xiii. p. 471. 

t Mr. Hughe9^ in his Hiilorx of B«u*bado^» makes 
mention of many fragments of Indian idols dug up in that 
Hland, which were compofed of the fame materials as their 
earthen veflels above mentioned. — *' £ if&W the head of one'' 
(continues he) " which alone weighed above fixtjr pounds. 
** This before it was broken off, nopdupon ^n oval pedef- 
*' tal about three feet in height. The heads of all the 
•• others were verV fmall. Thcfe lefler idols were in all 
** probability their Penatesy made fmail for the eHfife and 
** convcnienc/ a£ being carried with them in -their f^veral 
•* Journeys, at xhe. la^iger fort were perhf^p^^;fjBd . for 
** Tome Hated places of vworfhip/ ; , . .■ .' . ^ 

' Natural Hiftorjr of Batbaddcs, p. r. 
' } Laitt^u, torn. i. p. i^. Roifhiefort, c. tiii. p. 47a. 
Du Tcrlxe, torn. ii. p. 366. 


300K Straxrge however it is, that the fame authors 
^* who accufe them of atheifm, fhould accufe 
them likewife, ia the fame momeut, of poly- 
theifm and idolatry. 

Atbeifts they certainly were not; and though 
they did not maintain the doArine of pure 
Theifm, yet their idolatry was probably found- 
ed on circumftai^ces, the moral influence of 
which has not hitherto, I think, been fuflici- 
ci^tly noticed. If their devotion, . as we have 
feen, was the offspring, not of gratitude, but 
of fear ;— if they were lefs fei^fible of the good- 
nefs, than terrined at the judgments of the 
^Imighty ; it fhould alfo be remembered, that 
in thefe climates the tremendous irregularities 
of nature are dreadfully freauent ;-r-the hur- 
ricane that fweeps nations to tne deep, and the 
earthquake that fwallows continents in his 
bofom. — ^Let us not then haflily afiBx the charge 
of impiety on thefe fimple people, if, when 
they beheld thp elemei^ts comoine for their de- 
lirudion, they confidered the Divine Being as 
infinite h^deed^ in power, but fevere in his 
juflice, and inexorable in his anger. Under 
this imprefCon, it is not wonderful that the 
mind, humbled to the dufl in the confcioufnefs 
of its own imbecility, and fcarce daring to lift 
up a thought to the great caufe of all things> 
fhould fondly wifh for fome mild and gracious 
interpreter i fome amiable intermediate a^nt 
in whom to repofe with confidence, as in a. 
guardian and a friend. This defire encreafing; 
is at length exalted to belief. The foul, feek- 
ing refuge from its own appreheniions, creates 
imaginary beings, by whofe mediation it hopes 
to render itfelf lefs defpicable in the fight of 
the Supreme. To thefe . its devotions are 



efii|rufted,i and its adoratkuis paid : and while CHAB. 
we lament the Idindnefs of thife poor favages, ^^^^^ 
and exult in our. own foperiority in this re-* 
fpe&> let ius not forget that in the moft culti-^ 
vated pexjiods oi the human iinderftanding 
(before the light df revelation was graciouily 
diifiUyed) a wnilapr fuperfiition was pradifed 
by aU the various nations of the heathen 
world; of which^ liot one perhaps had fo 
flrong an apology to plead as the Charaibes. 

Thefe ebferVations, however, extend only 
to the fair fide of their religion, the worfhip 
of benevolent ddties. A darker fuperftition 
Iike^vUe prevailed among all the unenlightened 
inhabitants of thefe chmates; for they -not 
only believed in the eadftence of dembns and 
evil fpirits, but they offered to them by the 
hands of their Boyezr or piretended magicians^ 
facrifices and worfhip : wounding themfelves 
on fuch fokmnities with an^ inftnunent made of 
the teeth of the agouti; which infiiAed hor« 
rihle gafhes^ conceiving, perhaps^ that the 
maligi^nt powcfs delighted in groans and 
npiiiery, and were.talde appeafed only by hu* 
man Uood *• I ajm of opinion, neveithelelsi 
that even this latter fpecies of idolatry ori«^ 
dnated ih reverential piety^ and an awful 
t&ofe of almighty power and iikfinite perfed^on.' 
That we receive both good and evil at ' the 
hands of God, and that the Supreme Beinv is 
equally wife and benevolent in tlie difpen£|txon 
of boui^ are druths whidi w^ are taught, as 
weU by c|iiltiviatedrealo&, as by holy wnt ; but 
thegr are truths to the right a^ehenfion of 
whioh uncivilind man was perhaps at aU tiinesi 
£2 unequal. 


BOOK unequal^ Ttie favage, indeed, amidft the de^ 
^ ftruftrve terrors of the hurricane and the earths 
quake>. m^ht'eafily: conclude that nothing lefs 
than Omnipotence itfelf, ^' vifiting the nations 
in his wrath»" cq(iild thus harrow up the world ; 
butt the leffcr calamities of daily occurrence,— 
the various appearances of phyiical and moral 
evil Avhich hourlyembitter life, he dared not af*- 
cribe to an all perfe& and merciful Being. To 
his limited conception fucha conclnfion was de- 
rogatory from divine juftice, and irreconcileable 
with infinite wifdom. To what then would he 
impute thefe terrifying and inexplicable pheno-> 
mena, but to the mtalignant influence of im- 
pure fpirits and aereal demons ?* The profa- 
nations built on fuch notions certainly throw 
aluftre on the Chriftian religion, if they ferve 
not as a collateral evidence of its divine origin. 
Ai minute detail of the rites and ceremonies 
which thefe and other religious tenets gave 
birth to . among the Charaibes, moft of them 
unamiable, many of them cruel, together with 
an illuftrati<xi of their conformity to the fu- 
perllitions of the Pagan theology, would lead 
me too far ; nor is fuch a difquifition neceflary. 
It is fufficient for me to have ihewn that the 
fbuudations of true religion, the belief Of a 
Dieity and the expe&ation of a future ftate, (to 
borrow the.expreifionof an eloquent prelate) 
'f are no lefs conformabk to the firft natural 
'\ apprehenfions of the untutored mind, than 
" to the foun^^il principles of philofophy ♦. 

I have thus felodled and combined; from a 

mafs of difcordant materials^ a few ftriking 

panicularsin th6;chara£ler^ nuaaners4uid:cuf- 

. .. , toms 

* Bifliopof Ch/efUr>Serm4nft 

WE ST I ND I E S. 5i 

toms of the andent in^Uabitants of the Chaj^ai- CH A P.^ 
bean Ifland s. : The picture is not pleafing ; H. 
but, as I have elfewhcre obferved, it may lead 
to fonie important conclufions; for, befides 
corre&ing man^'u^ild and extravagant fancies 
which are afloat in the world refpediing the 
influence t>f climate on the powers of the mind, 
it may demonflrate the abfiardity of that 
hypothefis of ibme eminent philofophers, which 
pronounces fa^age life the genume fource of 
unpcdluted hsippinefs ;— ^falfely deeming it a fbte 
conformable to our nature, and conftitudng the 
perfeflion of it. It is indeed no eafy tafk,^ as 
Roufleau obferves^ to difcriminate pro|[)erly be- 
tween what is originally nbtural, and what is 
acquired, in the prefent cbnflitiiition of nian : 
jsi thuJB much may be concluded from the ac* 
count i have given of the Charaibes, that they 
derived their furious and fanguinary^difpofition 
-Htot from the didiates of nature-T*but from 
theperverfion and abofe.of fomebf her nol^eft 
endowmei^ts. Civilization and fcience would: 
not only hkve given them gentler manners, but 
probably have eradicated alfo many of their 
barbarous rites and gloomy fuperftitions, either 
by the introdu£lion of a purer religion, or by 
giving energy and effeA to thofe latent impor- 
tant principles which I have (hewn had a foun- 
dation among them. But while I admit the necef- 
fity and benevolent efficacy of improved man- 
ners and focial intercourfe ; conceiving that man 
by the cultivation of his reafon, and tlie exercife 
of his faculties alone anfwers the end of his cre- 
ation ; 1 am far from concurring with another 
ckfs of philofophers, who widely differing from 
the former, confider a flate of pure nature as 
a ftate of unrelenting ferocity and reciprocal 

hoftility ; 


Bt>/OK>lu>fliUty ; maimaming tbat' all tibefoft and ten* 
I« der a&Aioms are not origifialfyiiinj^aiited inns, 

^-^^'T^^but^re foperinduced by education and Tcflefti* 
oii^ ) A retrofpeft to whatbas beenrredated of the 
GharaibeBf will ikew 'tlae Ifkllacy of this opt- 
nion. Man> as; he comes £rom the hands of 
hUfCreator^ is emery wkeie conftituted a 
mild JOidiaBiierciful behkguii It: wa^ by rigid 
diici))iine arid barbanxi6 locampldy tlut -the: 
Chataibe natjofli trained ^ tip tbdr -youth to. 
fuffilr with foftitudi, a&d' to iaili(6t witboid: 
pity, the ttmofl exertions of humaii venge^ 
ance* Thiexiifiites of aatilre were as mucii 
violated by thofe.enbrmitica of favage life, as 
they are fuppirefled by the -cold unfeeling 
apa^by of. pUlbfophical xefineitvent.--- — -^^w 
lK>wevier^ to the honour fvf hnnnainhy, it is as/ 
certidn that conipaflidn and kindnefs are atmong > 
the earlieftprapenfities of our matorr, aa that> 
they CQBftitute the chief onEam^nt i and the 
h^ppinefs ofdt.>. Of tlds^ txiitk ourinext^ re^ 
f(iarcheswiliiurinfh a pleafing Example. ' ^ 

>■: -'- :'j'; r, -» r-^ r 

a .;:: 



CHAP. m. 

tf tJu naiPVts of Hifpaniohy Cuba, Jamaica, 
and forto^'Ricoi^^Tktir Origin. — Numbers. 
'^hrfons.'^^GetiiUs and ^Difpofitions.^'^Oo'^ 
vemment and Re/igion.-'^MifcelJaneous Ob^ 
fervations ' reJpelSing their Arts', Manufdc^ 
tares and Agriculture, Cruelty rf the Spa^- 
niards, (!fc. 

X AM now to igitc fome account of a mild 
and comparatTvely cnhivated peoplie, tbe an<^ 
.cient natives of Hifpaniola, Ooh^h Jamaica^ 
and Porto-Rico; for there is no doubt that 
the inhabitants of aU thofe Iflaiids were of 
6ne common origin,-— fpeakin^ the fame bm- 
guagd, — ^poffeffing the fam^ inftiuitions, and 
pra^fing fimilar fiiperftitionik Columbus 
Iiimfelf treits of them as fu^h ; and the tefti* 
rtony of many cotemporarv hiftodims confirm 
his opinioti. It appears liEefwife £rom the in« 
formation of las Caias, the Bifhop of Chia* 
pa, to the Emperor Charles V« that moft of 
the natives of Trinidad were of the fame 
nation ; the extent and natural ftrengtfa of thai 
ifland^ as of the others above-mentioned^ havt 
ing proteded them, in a great meafure, from 
the depredations of the Charaibes. 

I have clfewheiie related that they Were con# 
iidered by thefe Barbarians as defcended frol^i a 
Colony of Arrowauks, a people of Guiana ; 
and there can be no good reafon to fuppofe 



S6 H I S T O R Y O F T H E 

]^ OK. that the Charaibes were mifinformcd in this 

, particular. The evidence of Raleigh, and 

others who vilited both Guiana and Trinidad 
two centuries ago, might be adduced in fup- 
port of their opinion. Thefe voyagers pro- 
nounce the ancient inhabitants of Trinidad to 
belong precifely to the Arwacks or Arrpwauk 
nation of the Continent; a race of Indians to 
whole noble qualities the moft honourable tef- 
timony is borne by every traveller that has 
vifitea them, and recorded his obfervations. 
And here,, all enquiry concerning the origin 
of our iflanders feems to terminate^ It is in- 
deed extremely probable that all the various 
nations of this part of the new world, except 
only tdie Charaibes, emigrated anciently from 
the great hive of the Mexican empire. Juan 
dc Grijalva, one of the adventurers from Cuba 
in 151 8, found a people who fpoke the lan- 
guage of that ifland, on the coaft of Juca- 
tan^; but at what period fuch emigrations 
were made; whether the Charaibes wera pre- 
vioufly pofTefTed of the widely extended coaft 
that bounds the Atlantic, or, in pofteric^ ages, 
accidentally found their way thither by fea, 
from theiancient Continent— (perhaps by their 
invafion giving birth to that hereditary and 
unconquerable hatred which ftill prevails be- 
tween them and the other Indian nations) — > 
thefe are pmnts concerning which, as it ia 
iropoffible to determine, it is in vain to en- 


In eftimating the number of our iflanders, 
when firft difcovered by Columbu9, hiftorians 
widely differ. Las Cafas computes them ^t 


* P. Mart/r, Decad. iii. lib. 3^. 


fix imllians in the wbolej but the natives of CHAP. 
Hifpaniola were reckoned by Oviedo at one ^^ 
million only, ai^d by Martyr, who wrote on "^ 
the authority of Coluinbus, at 1,200,000, an4 
this lall account is probably the moil correal. 
Judging of the other iflands by that, and fup^ 
poiing the population of each to be nearly the 
lame in proportion to its extent, the whole 
number will fall greatly fhort of the computa*^ 
» tion of Las Cafas. Perhaps if we fix on three 
millions, i^ead of fix, as the total, we Ihali . 
approach as near the truth as poflible, on a 
queftion that admits not of minute accuracy. 
Indeed fuch are the accounts of the horrible 
carnage of thefe poor people by the Spa- 
niards, that we are naturally led to hope that 
their ordinal numbers mull have been greatly 
exaggerated ; firfl by the aflbciates of Colum- 
bus, from a fond and excufable propeniity to 
Qiagnify the merit and importance of their dif- 
coveries, as undoubtedly they were afterwards 
by the worthy prelate I have quoted^ in the. 
warmth of his honed indignation at the bloody 
proceedings of hig countrymen: with whonii 
indeed, every man x>f a humane and refleA- 
ing mind, . muil blufh to confefs himfelf of thp 
fame nature and fpecies ! 

But, not to anticipate obfervations that 
will more properly appear hereafter, I fliall 
now proceed to the conlideration,— — L O^ 
their perfons and perfonal endowments : II* 
Their intelledlual faculties and difpoiitions : 
III. Their political inftitutions^ IV. Their re- 
ligious rites. Such fubordinate particulars as 
are not ealily reducible to either o£ thofe 
' heads, will conclude the prefent chapter. 

I; Boiii 

5S H I 8 tOR Y OP T6 E 

BO Olt I. Both men aiad ^omen wore nothing more 
^- than a flight covering of cotton cloth round 
the waift; but in the women it extended to 
the knees : the children of both fexes appear-^ 
cd entirely naked. In ftature they were taller 
biit lefs robuft than the Charaibes *, and they 
were univerfally graceful and well proportion- 
ed. Their colour Was a clear brown; not 
deeper, in general, according to Columbus, 
than that of a Spanifli peafaht Avho has been 
tniich expofed to the wind and the fun f • Like 
the Charaibes they altered the natural configu- 
rition of the head in infancy; but after ^ 
different mode J ; and by this praAice, fays 
Herrafa, the cfown was fo ftrengthefled that t 
Spanifh broaci-fword, inftead of cleaving the 
fkull at a ftroke, would frequently break fliort 
upon it 11 ; an illtiftration wnich gives an a^-^ 
tftirable idea of the clemency of theik* conque-* 
rors f Their hair was uniformly black, without 
any tendency to curl ; their features were hard 
and nnfightly ; the face broad, and the Hofe 
fUtt; but their eves ftreamed with ^ood na* 
ture, and altdgetner thertf was foniething plea-* 
fing and inviting in the eountenancesf of moft 
of them, wineh proclaimed a frank ahd gentle 
difpoiition« It was an honeft face, eoarfe, but 
i!k)t gloomy ; for it was enlivened by confi- 
4cftee, anci foftened by compaflioni. 

Much has been fuggefted by modem phi- 
16fopliera concerning a fuppofed feeblenefs in 


** Oviedo, Som. f F. CoL c. xxiii. 

J 'th» Jincifut, or fore- part of the head' from the cyc- 
bfoW to Ae coronal future, was depreffed, which gave sen 
unnatural th^cknefi and elevation to the cccifui^ or hindef 
ibndf de floill. 

II Herrara, lib. i. c. zri. who copies this circumfiance 
from Oviedo. 

W^E S T I NDI ES. 59 

their pcrfons and conftitutions. They are re- CHAP, 
prefented to have been incapable of the final- IH. 
left degree of labour, incuraWy indolent, and ' 
infenfible even to the attra£lions of beauty, 
and the influence of love*. This wcmderful 
debility snd coldnefs have been attributed by 
fome writers to a vegetable diet : by others, it 
is pretenrded that they derived from nature lefs 
appetite for food than the natives of Europe ; 
but nothing can more ftrongly demonftrate the 
indolent inattention of hiftorians, than their 
combining thefe circumftances in one and the 
fame chsfra^ler. An infenfibility, or contemp- 
tuous difregard, towards the female fex, was a 
feature peculiar to the Cbaraibes; who howe- 
ver, as we have feen, were rdbuft and vigo- 
rous in their perfons, and infatiably voracious 
of food. It cpnftituted no part of the dif- 
pofition of our iHanders ; amongft whom an 
attachment to the fex was z-emarkably confpi- 
cuous. Love, mih this happy people, was 
not a traAfientand youthful ardour only; but 
the fource.of all their pleafures, and the chief 
bofinefs of life : for not being, like the Cha- 
raibes, oppreljed by the weight of perpetual 
folicitude, and tormented by an unquencha- 
ble third of revenge, they gave full indul- 
gence to the inflinds of nature, while the ill* 
fluence of the climate heightened the fenfibi- 
lity of the paffions f. 

In truth, an exceflive fenfuality was amonig 
the greateft defers in their charadler : and fa 


* Robenfon, BuffoDi De Pauw, and others 
t See Oviedoy lib. v. c. iii^ We have neacljr theifamtt 
account at Uus cUy of the Arrawaiiks of Guiana* ** In 
** their natural difpo^tion" (fays Bancroft) '^ tbey son 
" amorous and \trantion; and Bajrere obfervcs^ *^(U Jant^ 
** lubriqtta au/ufreme dtgre*** 


BOOK- this caufe alone is imputed^ by fomc writers,. 
I- the origin of that dreadful difcafe with the in- 
' flidlion of which they have almoftjrevcngcd 
the calamities brpyght: upoja them by the av^- 
rice of Europe ;-^if indeed the vfsicc^al coji- 
tagion wa? firft iatrodiiced iato Spain from 
thefe iflands ; a conclufion to Avhic.h : notwitb- 
ftanding all that has been written in fapport of 
it, an attentive enquiarer will ftill .befitatc (to. 
fubfcribe*. r: ) . .' - 

: 1. ;..'.:;;.-.f . That^ 

* " The venereal clifeafe" (fajs Ovieda) ** was certain* 
" \y introdiu:ed into Europe from thefe inands, where the 
" beft medicine for the cure of ft, the^i/jflwri/m, is attb 
" founds the Almighiy io i^membeding inerc^'iit judg- 
'* ment that,. w|iea pur Qns provoke pu»i(bii^^t« hefen^ 
" likewiifi a remedy.— I was acquainted with m^ny j^crfons , 
*' who accompanied Columbus m his firll'andfecond voy- 
" ages, and luffered of this difeafe; one c^ whdm was' 
" Pedro Margarite, a man muck refpe^leSd of the Kitig aiid [ 
*\ Queen. In the year 1496 it began tQ fprea^ in Eurofie, : 
*' and the phyficians were wholly at a lots ix^ what m^n* ^ 
** ner to treat it. — When, after this, Gonzales Fei^nanijes 
** de Cordova was fent with an army by his Catholic Ma- '' 
'* jefty on behalf of Ferdinand the Second King of !Na- ^ 
*' pies, fome infeAed perfpns accompameA that army, ahd [ 
" by intercourfe with the women, fpreid the difeafe amoi^g i 
*^ the Italians and the French; both which nations had-^ 
" liicceflively the honor of giving it a name; but in truth ' 
" it came originally from Hifpai^oU, where it was very ^ 
'V conunon, as was likewiHe the remedy/' 

This account is fulHciently particular \ npverth4e& tkeire. . 
is'reafon to believe that the venereal infaSiop was known 
in Europe many centuries before the difcovery of America ; 
although it is poQible it might have broke out with renew- 
ed vibUnce about the time of Columbosfs xetum .from hit' 
firft expedition. — ^This was the era of wonder, and proba- 
bly the infrequency of the contagion before that perio^, 
gave colour to a report, perhaps at firft maliciou^y propa-^ 
gated by fome who envied the iiiccefs of Columbus, thrt 
this difeafe was one of the fruits rf bis celebrated enter- 
prize. It is impoffible, in the fpaee of a marginal note, 
ta enter deeply into this fubjedt; neither does the full in- 

V Veftigation 



That a people who poffeflcd the means of CHAP, 
gratifying every inclination without labour, ^^^• 
ftiould fometimes incVmc to be indolent, is a' 
circumftance liot very extraordinary. As the 
wants of nature were fupplied almoft fponta- 
neoufly, and no covering was abfolutely requi- 
fite but the fhade, that neceffity which urges 
men to aftion, and, by exercife, invigorates 
the fibres, was here wholly unknown. It is 
probable therefore that in mufcukr ftrength 
the natives were inferior to their invaders, and 
being lefs accuftomed to labour, they might al- 
fo require lefs nourilhment. Thefe conclufi- 
ons may be admitted without fuppofing any 
degradation of their nature, and with no very 
unfavourable impreffion of the climate. Their 
limbs however were pliant and aftive, and in 
their motions they difplayed both gracefulnefs 
and eafe. Their agility was eminently confpi- 
cuons in their dances; wherein they delighted 
and excelled; devoting the Cool hours of night 
to this employment f. It was their cuftom, 
fays Herrara, to dance from evening to the 


relUntion of it come within tke defign of my work. I 
therCTore refer fuch of my reader* as are defirous of form- 
ing a decided opinion on the queftion, to the Philof. Tranf- 
a£on8, vol. xxvii. and vol. xxxi. (No. 365 and No. 11) 
' alfo to two learned treatifes on the fubjefl by Mr. Sanches, 
publiflied at Paris 1772 and 1774, and to the authorities 
referred to by Mr. Forfter in his *• Obfervations made 
" during a Voyage round the World/' p. 492. C3* In 
Stow's Survey of Condon, vol. ii. p. 7. is preferved a copy 
of the rules or regulations eftablifhed by Parliament in the ' 
ei^tfa year of Henry the Second, for the government of the 
licenfed ftews in Southwark, among which I find the fol- 
lowing, *' No ftewholder to keep any woman that hath the 
** perilous infirmity of burning." This was 3 jo years be- 
fore the voyag2 of Columbus, 
t P. Martyr, Decad. iii. c. vii. 


BOOK dawn; and althoTigh fifty thoufand men and 
^' women were frequently affembled together on 
^thefe occafions, they leemed adluated by one 
common impulfe, keeping time by refponfive 
ipotions of their hands, feet, and bodies, with 
an exadnefs that was wonderful *. Thefe pub- 
lic dances (for they had others, highly licen- 
tious) were appropriated to particular fpilemni- 
ties, and being accompanied with hiftoriqal 
fongs, were called Arietoes ; a lingular feature 
in their political inftitutions, of which I ihall 
prefently fpeak. 

Befides the exercife of dancing, another di- 
verfion was prevalent among them which they 
called Bato ; and it appears from the account 
given of it by the Spanifh hiftorians f, that 
it had a diftant refemblance to the £ngliih 
game of cricket j for the players were divided 
into two parties, which alternatively changed 
places, and the fport confided in dexteroufly 
throwing and returning from one party to the 
other, an elaflic bail ; which however was not 
caught in the hand, or returned with an in- 
ftrument; but received on the head, the elbow, 
or the foot, and the dexterity and force with 
which it was thence repelled, was aftoniihing 
and inimitable. — Such exertions belong not to 
a people incurably enervated and flothful. 
" 11. They are, neverthelefs, pronounced by 
many writers, to have been naturally inferior 
to the natives of Europe, not only in bodily 
ftrength, but likewife in genius and natural en- 
dowments. This aflertion. has I think been 
advanced with moie confidence than proof. 


* Herrara, lib. ix. c. ii. 

t Ovxedo, lib. vi. c. ii. Herrara, lib. lii. c* iv. 


That the mind, like the body, acquires ftrength C^ AP. 
by employment, is indeed a truth which we ^^^' 
all acknowledge, becaufe we all experience it;*^ 
and it requires no great fagacity to difcover, 
that ingenuity is feldom very powerfully ex- 
erted to gratify appetites which do not exift> 
or to guard againft inconveniences which are 
not felt. If our iflanders therefore rofe in 
fome relpefts to a degree of refinement not 
often obfervable in favage life, it may juftlybe 
prefumed that in a ftate of fociety produftive 
of new defires and artificial neceffities, their 
capacities would have been fufceptible.of ftill 
further improvement. Their fituation alone, 
withput recurring to the various other caufes 
affigned by philofophers, fufficiently accounts 
for the paucity of their ideas. Men, without 
anxiety for the future, have little refle&ion f n 
the pall. What they wanted in excited ener- 
gy of mind, was however abundantly fupplied 
by the fofter aficftions; byfweetnels of tem- 
per, and native goodnefs of difpofition. All 
writers who h^ve treated of their charaAer, 
agree that they were unqueftionably the moft 
gentle and benevolent of the human race. 
Though not bleffed with the light of revela- 
tion, they pra&ifed one of the nobleft pre- 
cepts of Chriftianity, forgivenefs pf their ene- 
mies : laying all that they pofTefied at the feet 
of their oppreffors; courting their notice, and 
preventing their wiihes, with fuch fondnefs 
and afliduity, as one would have thought; 
might have difarmed habitual cruelty, and 
melted bigotry into tendernefs *. 

^ Among 

• Martyr. Herrara. F. Columbus, c. xxvii. xxxil. 
dec &c. 


BOOK Among other inftaaces of their generous 
}'_ and compaflionate turn of mind, the follow- 
'ing is not the leaft remarkable. Soon after 
Columbus's firft arrival at Hifpaniola, one of 
his fliips was wrecked on the coaft. The na- 
tives, fcorning to derive advantage to them- 
felves from the diftrefs of the ftrangers (un- 
confcious indeed of the calamities which their 
arrival was foon to bring upon them) beheld 
the accident with the livelieft emotions of for- 
row, and haftened to their relief. A thoufand 
canoes were inftantly in motion, bufily em- 
ployed in conveying the feamen and cargo 
afhore ; by which timely affiftance, not a life 
was loft; and of the goods and provifions 
that were . faved from the wreck, not the 
fmalleft article was embezzled. Such was 
their celerity and good will on this occafion, 
fays Martyr, that no friend for friend, or 
brother for brother, in diftrefs, could have 
manifefted ftronger proofs of fympathy and 
pity. * Other hiftorians ftill heighten the 
pifture ; for they relate that Guacanahari, the 
Sovereign of that part of the country, per-' 
ceiving that, notwithftanding the efforts of 
his people, the ftiip itfelf, and great part of 
the cargo were irrecoverably funk, waited on 
Columbus to condole with nim on the occa- 
fion; and while this poor Indian lamented 
his misfortune in terms which excited fur- 
prize and admiration, he offered the Admiral 
(the tears flowing copioufly down his cheeks 
a3 he fpoke) all that he himfelf poffeffed, in 
reparation of his lofs. f 


* Martyr, Decad. i. lib. i. 

t Fer. CoL c. xxxiL Herrara, Decad. i. lib. i. c. xviii* 


This benevolence, unexampled in the hillory of CHAP, 
civilized nations, was foon bafely requited by the ^^^' 
condud of a band of robbers, whom Columbus, ^ ^ 
with no ill intentipn, left in the ifland, on his 
departure for Europe. Guacanahari however 
was covered with wounds in defending them 
fromi his injured countrymen * ; to whofe juft 
refentment the Spaniih ruffians at length fell a 
facrifice ; but their anger was of Ihort duration. 
On Columbus's return, in his fecond voyage, 
their fondnefs revived ; and for a confiderable 
time the Spaniards lived among them in perfedl 
fecurity, exploring the interior parts of the coun- 
try, both in companies and individually, not 
only without moleftation, but invited thereto by 
the natives. When any of the Spaniards came 
near to a village, the moft ancient and venerable 
of the Indians, or the Cacique himfelf, if pre- 
fent, came out to meet them, and gentlv con- 
ducing them into their habitations, featea them 
on ftools of ebony curioufly ornamented. Thefe 
benches feem to have been feats of honor re- 
ferved for their guefts ; — for the Indians threw 
themfelves on the ground, and kifling the hands 
and feet of the Spaniards, ofiered them fruits 
"and the choiceft of their viands; entreating 
them to prolong their (lay, with fuch folicitude 
and reverence as demonftrated that they confi- 
dered them as beings of a fuperior nature, whofe 
prefence confecrated their dwellings, and brought 
a bleffing with it f. 

The reception which Bartholomew Columbus, 
who was appointed Lieutenant, or Deputy Go- 
vernor, in the abfence of the Admiral, after- 
wards met witb^ in Jiis progrefs through the 

Vol. L F iQand 

* Herrai^, Decad* i« Kb. ii. c, ix. Fer. Col. c. xl. 
f Herrara, Dccad. L'Ub. L c. xiv. F. Col. c. zx\ il. 


BOOK ifland to levy tributes from the leveral Caciques 
^- or Princes, manifefted not only kindnefs and 
iubmiffion, but on many occaiions munificence, 
and even a high degree of. politcnefs, Thefe 
Caciques had all heard of the wonderful eager- 
nefs of the ftrangers for gold ; and fuch of them 
as poffeflcd any of this precious metal, willingly 
prefented all that they had to the Deputy Go- 
vernor. Others, who had not the means of ob- 
taining gold, brought provifions and cotton in 
great abundance. * — Among the latter, was Be- 
hechio, a powerful Cacique, who invited the 
Lieutenant and his attendants to his dominions ; 
and the entertainment which they received from 
this hofpitable chief is thus defer ibed by Martyr. 
As they approached the king's dwelling, they 
were met by his wives, to the number of thirty, 
carrying branches- of the palm-tree in their 
hands ; who firft fainted the Spaniards with a 
folemn dance, accompanied with a general fong. 
Thefe matrons were fucceeded by a train of 
virgins, diftinguifhed as fuch by their appear-, 
ance; the former wearing aprons of cotton 
cloth, -while the latter were arrayed only in the 
innocence of pure nature. Their hair was tied 
limply with a fillet over their foreheads, or fuf- 
fered to flow gracefully on their fhoulders and 
bofoms. Their limbs were finely proportioned, 
and their complexions, though brown, were 
fmooth, Ihining and lovely. The Spaniards were 
ftruck with admiration, believing that they be- 
held the dryads of the woods, and the nymphs 
of the fountains, realizing ancient fable. The 
branches which they bore in their hands, they 
now delivered with lowly obeifance to the Lieu- 
tenant, who, entering the palace, found a plen- 


• P. Mart/r, Dccad. i. lib. v. 


tiful, and, according to the Indian mode of liv- CHAP, 
ing, a fplendid repaft already pro-vdded. As ^^^• 
night approached, the Spaniards were conduA- ' 
cd to feparate cottages, wherein each of them 
was accommodated with a cotton hammock ; and 
the next morning they were again entertained 
with dancing and fmging. This was followed 
by matches of wreftling and running for prizes ; 
after which two great bodies of armed 'Indians 
unexpe£ledlv appeared, and a mock engagement 
enfued ; exnibiting their modes of attack and 
ilefence in their wars with the Charaibes. For 
three davs were the Spaniards thus royally en- 
tertained, and on the fourth, the ane£lionate 
Indians regretted their departure. 

ni. The fubmiffive and refpeftful deportment 
of thefe placid people towards their fuperiors, 
and thofe they confidered as fuch, w^s derived 
probably, in fome degree, from the nature of 
their government; which, contrary to that of 
the Charaibes under a fitoilar climate, was mo- 
narchical and even abfolute. The regal authori- 
ty however, though not circumfcribed by pofi- 
tive inftitutions, was tempered into great mild- 
nefs by that conftitutional benevolence which 
predominated throughout every part of their 
coipiduft, from the higheft to the loweft. Tli^ 
fympathy which they manifefted towards the 
aiftrefs qf others, proves that they were not 
wretched themfelves ; for in a ftate of abfolute 
flavery and mifery, men are commonly devoid 
both of virtue and pity. 

Their Kings, as we have feen, were Caciques, 

and their power was hereditary: But there 

were alfo fubordinate Chieftains, or Princes, who 
were tributaries to the Sovereign of each dif- 
trid. Thus the territory in Hifpauiola, anci- 
ently called Paraguay, extending from the plain 

¥2 of 


BOOK of Leogane to the Weftermoft part of the ifland, 
I.. was the kingdom of the Cacique Behechio, 
whom I have mentioned above ; but it appears 
from Martyr, that no lefs than thirty-two inferior 
chieftains or nobles had jurifdiftion within that 
fpace of country, who were all accountable to 
the fupreme authority of Behechio *. They 
feem to have fomewqat refembled the ancient 
barons or feudatories of Europe ; holding their 
poffeffions by the tenure of fervice. Oviedo 
relates that they were under the obligation of 
perfonally attending the Sovereign, both in 
peace and war, whenever commanded fo to do f. 
It is to be lamented that the Spanilh hiftorians 
afford very little information concerning this or- 
der of nobles, or the nature and extent of their 
fubqrdinate jurifdidlion. 

The whole ifland of Hifpaniola was divided 
into five great kingdoms J, of two of which, 
when Columbus firil landed, Guacanahari and 
Behechio were abfolute fovereigns.— A third 
principal Cacique was Cuanaboa, whofe hiftory 
is remarkable : He had been originally a War 
Captain among a body of' Charaibes, who had 
invaded the dominions of Behechio, and, on con- 
dition of preventing the further incurfions of his 
countrymen, had received his filler, the beautiful 
Anacoana, in marriage ; together with an extent of 
country, -which he had converted into a feparate 
kingdom. The eftabliftiment of this leader and 
his followers in Hifpaniola, had introduced into 
this part of the ifland the Charaibean language, 
and alfo the ufe of the bow and arrow ; || a 
weapon with the praSice of which the natives 
of the larger iflands were generally unacquaint- 

* P. Martyr, Decad. i. lib. v. 

t Oviedo, lib. iii. c. iv. 

J Oviedo, lib. iii. c. iv. H Oviedo, lib. iii. 


cd. Cuanaboa however ftill retained his feroci- CHAP, 
ous difpofilion, and having been accufed by ^^^' 
Guacanahari before Chriftopher Columbus, of ^ 
murdering fome of the Spaniards, was ordered 
by that commander to be lent to Spain ; but the 
fliip periftied at fea. The fad^ fate of his unfor- 
tunate widow, the innocent Anacoana, who was 
moft atrocioufly murdered in 1.^0.5, by Ovando, 
the Governor of Hifpaniola, for no caufe, that 
I can difcover, but her fond attachment to 
Bartholomew Columbus, having been related at 
large in the late American hiftory, need not be 
repeated here. 

The iflands of Cuba and Jamaica were divid- 
ed, like Hifpaniola, into many principalities or 
kingdoms ; but we are told that the whole ex* 
tent of Porto Rico was fubjeft to one Cacique 
only *. It has been remarked, that the dignity 
of thefe Chieftains was hereditary ; but, if Mar- 
tyr is to be credited, the law of mcceffion among 
tnem, was different from that of all other peo- 
ple; for he obfervesfj that the Caciaues be- 
3ueathed the fupreme authority to the chil- 
ren of their fillers, according to feniority, 
difinheriting their own offspring ; " being cer- 
** tain, adds Martyr, that, by this policy, 
" they preferred the blood royal; which might 
** not happen to be the cafe, in advancing any 
*^ of the children of their numerous wives." 
The relation of Oviedo is fomewhat different, and 
feems more probable : he remarks that one of 
the wives of each Cacique was particularly dif- 
tinguifhed above the reft, and appears to have 
been confidered by the people at large as the 
reigning Qgeen J ; that the children of this lady, 


* P. Martyr, Decad. 1. lib. ii. f Decad. iii. c. ix. 
} Oviedo, lib. v. c. iii. 


BOOK according to priority of birth, fucceeded to the 
^- father's honors ; but, in default of iflue by the 
'^ ' favourite Princefs, the lifters of the Cacique, if 
there were no furviving brothers, took place of 
the Cacique's own children by his other wives. 
Thus Anacoana, on the death of Behechio her 
btother, became Qjieen of Xaraguay.* It is ob- 
vious that this regulation was intended to pre- 
vent the mifchiefs of a difputed fucceflion, among 
children whofe pretenfions were equal. 

The principal Cacique was diftinguilhed by 
regal ornaments, and numerous attendants. In 
travelling through his dominions, he was com- 
monly borne on men's fhoulders, after a manner 
very much refembling the ufe of the palan- 
queen in the Eaft Indies.f According to Mar- 
tyr,I he was regarded by all his fubjefts with fuch 
reverence, as even exceeded the bounds of na- 
ture and reafon ; for if he ordered any of them 
to caft themfelves headlong from a high rock, 
or to drown themfelves in the fea, alledging no 
caufe but his fovereign pleafure, he was obeyed 
without a murmur : oppofition to the fuprem'e 
authority, being conlidered, not only as unavail- 
ing, but impious. 

Nor did their veneration terminate with the 
life of the Prince ; it was extended to his me- 
mory after death ; a proof that his authority, 
however extravagant, was feldom abufed. When 
a Cacique died, his body was embowelled, and 
dri^d in an oven, moderately heated ; fo that 
the bones and even the (kin were preferved en- 
tire. || The corpfe was then placed in a cave 
with thofe of his anceftors, this being (obferves 


* Herrara, lib. vi. c. ii. f Herrara, lib. i. c. xvi. 

J Martyr, Decad. i. c. i. 

I Herrara, lib. iii. c. iii. F« Columbus, c. Ixi. 


Oviedo) among thefe fimpl^ . people the only CHAP, 
fyftem of heraldry; whereby^ they intended to ^^^• 
render, not the name alone, but the pcrfons al- " 
fo, of their worthies immonal. If a Cacique 
was flain in battle, and the body could not be 
recovered, they compofed fongs in his praife, 
which they taught to their children ; a better 
and nobler teftiraony furely, than heaps pf dry 
bones or even monuments of marble ; fince me- 
morials to the deceafed are, or ought to be, in- 
tended kfs in honor of the dead, than as incite- 
ments to the living.* 

Thefe heroic effufions conilituted a branch of 
thofe folemnities, which, as hath been obferved, 
were called Arietoes; confiding of hymns and 
public dances, accompanied with mufical inftru- 
ments made of fhells, and a fort of drum, the 
found of which was beard at a vail diflance.f 
Thefe hymns, reciting the great aflions of the 
departed Cacique; his fame in war, and his 
gentlenefs in peace, formed a national hiftory,J 


* It is related by Martyr, that on the death of a Ca- 
cique, the moft 'beloved of his wives was immolated at his 
faneral. Thus he obfervet that Anacoana, on the death of 
her Mother King Behechio, ordered k very beautiful wo- 
man, whofe name was<6uanahata Benechina, to be bu- 
ried alive in the cave where his body (after being dried as 
above mentioned) was depofited.* but Oviedo, though 
by no means partial towards the Indian charadler, denies 
that this' cuftom was general among them.t Anacoana, 
"who had been inarried to a Charaibe, probably adopted 
the practice from the account (he had received from her 
hufband of his national cufloms. And it is not impofli- 
ble, under a female adminiilration, — among favages^ — but 
that the extraordinary beauty of the unfortunate viAim, 
contributed to her deilrudtion. 

* Martyr^ Decad. iii. lib. ix. f Oviedo» fib. v. c. iii. 

t Herrara, lib. iii. c. iv. P. Martyr, Decad. iii« c* vii* 
F. Columbus. 

} Oviedo, lib. v. c. iii. 


BOOK, which was at once a tribute of gratitude to the de- 
2'^ ceafed monarch, and a lefTon to the living. Nor 
^ ' could any thing have been more inftruftive to 
the rifing generation than this inftitution, lince 
it comprehended alfo the antiquities of their 
country, and the traditions of their anceftors. 
Expreflions of national triumph for viftory in 
war, lamentations in times of public calamity, 
the voice of feftivity, knd the language of love, 
were likewife the fubjefts of thele exhibitions ; 
the dances, fo effential a part of them, being 
grave or gay as the occafion required. It is 
pretended that among the traditions thus pub- 
licly recited, there was one of a prophetic na- 
ture, denouncing ruin and defolation by the ar- 
rival of ftrangers compleatly clad, and armed 
with the lightning of heaven. The ceremonies 
w^hich were obferved when this awful prediftion 
w^s repeated, we may well believe were ftrong- 
ly expreffive of lamentation and horror*. 

IV. Like all other unenlightened nations, 
thefe poor Indians were indeed the flaves of 
fuperftition. Their general theology (for they 
had an eftablifhed fyftem, and a priefthood to 
fupport it) was a medley of grofs folly and ehil- 
difti traditions, the progeny of ignorance and 
terror. Yet we are fometimes dazzled with a 
ftrong ray of funfliine in the midft of furround- 
iug darknefs. Hiftorians have preferved a re- 
markable fpeech of a venerable old man, a na- 
tive of Cuba, who, approaching Chriftopher 
Columbus with great reverence, and prefenting 
a bafket of fruit, addrefled him as follows. 
*' Whether you are divinities'* (he obferved) 
" or mortal men, we know not.^ You are come 
** into thefe countries with a force, againft which, 


• Martjr, ut fupm, H^rrara, lib. ii. c. iv. 

W E S T I N D I E S. fi 

*^ were we inclined to refift it, refiftance would CHAP. 

** be folly. We are all therefore at your mercy; ^^^• 

** but if you are men, fubjeft to mortality like "^^^ 

** ourfelves, you cannot be unapprized, that af- 

" ter this life there is another, wherein a very 

" different portion is allotted to good and bad 

** men. If therefore you expeft to die, and be- 

" lieve, with us, that every one is to be reward- 

" ed in a future ftate, according to his conduft 

" in the prefent, you will do no hurt to thofe, 

'* who do none to you."* 

Their notions of future happinefs feem howe- 
ver to have been narrow and fenfual. They fup- 
pofed that the fpirits of good men were convey- 
ed to a pleafant valley, which they called Coyaba; 
a place of indolent tranquillitv, abounding with. 
guavas and other delicious fruits, cool ihades, 
and murmuring rivulets ;t in a country where 
drought never rages, and the hurricane is never 
felt. In this feat of blifs (the Elyfium of anti- 
quity) they believed that their greatefl enjoy- 
ment would arife from the company of their de- 
parted anceflors, and of thofe perfons who were 
dear to them in life ;l — a proof at leafl of their 
filial piety, and of the warmth -and tendernefs of 
their affedions and difpofitions. 

'^The confcioufnefs in our Indians that they 
were accountable beings, feems to indicate a 
greater degree of improvement than we are wil- 
ling to allow to any of the natives of the New 
Hemifphere. Although, like the Charaibes, our 
iflands acknowledged a plurality of Gods, like 
them too, they believed in the exiftence of one 
fupreme, invifible, immortal, and omnipotent 

Creator ; 

* Her ara, lib. ii. c. xiv. Martyr, Decad. u lib. iii. 
t Fer Col. c. Ixi. ^ , 
I Heriara, lib. i^i- c. ill. 


BOOK Creator; whom they named Jocahuna.* But 
}' uahappily, with thefe importaut truths, thefc 
' poor people blended the moft puerile and extra- 
vagant fancies, which were neither founded in 
rational piety, nor produdive of moral obliga- 
tion. They afligned to the fupreme Being, a fa- 
ther and mother, whom they diftinguiftied by a 
variety of names, and they fuppofed the fun and 
moon to be the chief feats of their refidencef . 
Their fyftem of idol-worftiip was, at the fame 
time, more lamentable than that of the Cha- 
raibes ; for it would feem that they paid divine 
honors to flocks and (lones convened into images, 
which they called Zemi\ not regarding thefe 
idols as fymbolical reprefentations only of their 
fubordinate divinities, and ufeful as fenfible ob- 
jefts, to awaken the memory and animate devo- 
tion, but afcribing divinity ta the material itfelf, 
and adlually worfhipping the rude ftone or block 
which their own hands had fafhioned. It may 
be obferved, however, that an equal degree of 
folly prevailed among people much more en- 
lightened. The Egyptians themfelves, thp moll 
ancient of civilized nations, worfliipped vari- 
ous kinds of animals, and reprefentations of ani- 
mals ; fome of them the moft noxious in nature ; 
and even the accompliftied philofophers of Greece 
and Rome, paid divine honours to men to whom 
they had themfelves given an appotheolis !-— So 
nearly allied, in religious refearches, is the blind- 
nefs of untutored nature, to the infufficiency of 
mere cultivated reafon ! 

It has indeed been afferted (whether juftly or 
not) that " the iuperftitions of Paganifm always 
" wore the appearance of pleafure, and often of 
virtue ;" J but the theology of our poor iflandew 


* Martyr, De.-vJ. i. lib. ix. F. Columbus. 

•/- V. Columbus. P. Mart/r. Benzoni, J Gibbon. 


bore a different afpeft. By a lamentable incon- CHAP, 
fiftency in the human mind, they confidered the ^ _^ 
Creator of all things as wholly regardlefs of the " 
work of his hands; and as having transferi:ed 
the government of the world to fubordinate and 
malignant beings, who delighted in converting 
into evil that which he pronounced to be good. 
The effufions of gratitude, the warmth of affec- 
tion, the confidence of hope, formed no part 
of their devotions. Their idols were univer- 
fally hideous and frightful, fometimes reprefent- 
ing toads and other odious reptiles; but more 
frequently the human face horribly diftorted ;— 
a proof that they confidered them, not as be- 
nevolent, but evil, powers ; — as objeAs of ter- 
ror,-^not of admiration and love. 

To keep alive this facred and awful preju- 
dice in the minds of the multitude, and heigh- 
ten its influence, their Bohitos or Priefts, ap- 
propriated a confecrated houfe in each village, 
wherein the Zemi was invoked and woHhipped. 
Nor was it permitted to the people at large, at 
all times, to enter, and on unimportant occa- 
fions approach the dread objeft of their adora- 
tion. The Bohitos undertook to be their mef- 
fengers and interpreters, and by the efficacy of 
their prayers to avert the dangers which they 
dreaded. The ceremonies exhibited on thele 
foleninities, though grofsly ridiculous, were well 
calculated however to extend the prieftly do- 
minion, and confirm the popular fubjedlion. In 
the fame view, the Bohitos added to their holy 
profeffion, the praftice of phyfic, and they 
claimed likewife the privilege of educating the 
children of the firft rank of people ;* — a com- 
bination of influence which, extending to the 


* Martyr. 


BOOK neareft and deareft concerns boih of his life and 
^^ ^ the next, rendered their authority irrefiftible. 
"" ' With fuch power in the priefthood, it may 
well be fuppofed, that the alliance between 
church and ftate, was not lefs intimate in thefe 
iflands, than in the kingdoms of Europe. As 
in many other nations, religion was here made 
the inftrument of civil defpotifm, and the will 
of the Cacique, if confirmed by the Prieft, was 
impioufly pronounced the decree of heaven. 
Columbus relates that fome of his people enter- 
ing unexpededly into one of their houfes of 
worfhip, found the Cacique employed in obtain- 
ing refponfes from the Zemi. By the found of 
the voice which came from the idol, they knew 
that it was hollow, and daftiing it to the ground 
to expofe the impofture, they difcovered a tube, 
which was before covered with leaves, that 
communicated from the back part of the image 
to an inner apartment, whence the Prieft iflued 
his precepts as through a fpeaking trumpet ;— 
but the Cacique earneftly entreated them to fay 
nothing of what they had feen ; declaring that 
by means of fuch pious frauds, he collefted 
tributes, and kept his kingdom in fubjedion. 

The reader, I believe, will readily acquit me 
for declining to enter into any further detail of 
the various wild notions, and fantaftical rites 
which were founded on fuch arts and impoftures. 
Happily for our iflanders, however, the general 
fyftem of their fuperftition, though not amiable, 
was not cruel. We find among them but few 
of thofe barbarous teremonies which filled the 
Mexican temples with pollution, and the fpec- 
tators with horror. They we^e even more for-. 
tunate in this refpeA than the otherwife happy 
ill habitants of the lately difcovered iflands in the 



Southern Pacific Ocean ; amongft whom the prac- CHAP, 
tice of offering human facrifices to their deities', ^^^• 
is ft ill asdreadfuUy prevalent, as it anciently was 
among moft of the nations of the earth. 

Having thus mentioned the natives of the 
South-fea Iflands, I cannot but advert to the won- 
, derful fimilarity obfervable in many refo^fts, 
between our ill-fated Weft Indians ana that 
placid people. The fame frank and affectionate 
temper, the fame chearful firaplicity, gentlenefii 
and candour ; — a behaviour, devoid of mean^ 
nefs and treachery, of cruelty and revenge, arc 
apparent in the charafter of both : — —and al- 
though placed at fo great a diftance from each 
other, and divided by the intervention of the 
American Continent, we may trace a refemblance 
even in many of their cuftoms and inftitutions ; 
fuch as their national fongs and dances, their 
domeftic oeconomy, their fyftem of government, 
and their funeral ceremonies. I pretend not, 
however, to affirm that this refemblance is fo 
exaft, as to create the prefumption of a com- 
mon origin. The affinity perceivable in the dit 
pofitions and virtues of thefe widely feparated 
tribes, arofe probably from a fimilarity in their 
circumftances and fituation, operating on, the ge- 
neral principles of human nature. Placed alike 
in a happy medium, between favage life, pro- 
perly fo called, and the refinements of poliftied 
fociety, they are found equally exempt from 
the fordid corporeal diftrefTes and fanguinary 
paffions of the former ftate, and from the arti* 
ficial neceffities, the reftraints and folicitudes 
of the latter. To a fpeculative mind, fuch a 
fituation may appear, for a moment, even fu- 
perior to our own ; " but if we admit" (fays 
the elegant hiftorian of the amiable Otaheiteans) 
" that they are uppn the whole happier than 


wc, we muft admit that the child is happier 
*^ than the man, and that we are lofers by the 

perfeftioil of our nature,, the increafe of our 
" knowledge, and the enlargement of our 
'* views."* I 

In thofe inventions and arts which, varying 
the enjoyments, add confiderably to the value 
of life, I believe the Otaheiteans were in gene- 
ral fomewhat behind our iflanders: in agricul- 
ture they were particularly fo.f The great fup- 
port of the infular territories of the South-Sea 
confifts of the bread-fruit, and the plantain; 
both which flourifh there fpontaneouflv ; and 
akhough the inhabitants have likewife plan- 

♦ Hawtefwoith's Voyages, vol. ii. p. 105. 
t Dr. Robertfon, in his Hiftory of America, voL i. p. 
332, obferves that as the natives of the New World had no 
tame animals, nor the ufe of the metals, their agriculture 
muft nec^ifarily have been imperfefi. It fhould however be 
remembered that as every family raifed corn for their awn 
fupport, and the iilands being (to ufe the expreflion of Las 
Caias) ^ abounding with inhabitants as an anthill ivhb ants^*' 
a very fmall portion of ground allotted to the maintenance of 
each family, would comprehend in the aggregate an immenfe 
fpace of cultivated country. Thus we find Bartholomew Co- 
lumbus obferving, that the fields about Zabraba, a country In 
the Gulph of Darien, which he viewed in 1503, " were all covered 
" with maize, like the corn fields of Europe, for above Jix leagues 
** together" Unacouainted y/iththe foil of the Weft Indies, Dr. 
Kobertfon Ihould nave delivered his fen^ments on this fubjeA 
wiih diffidence. That foil which is knbwn in thefe iflands by 
the name of brick-mouU^ is not only fuperior to moft others in 
fertility, but requires very little trouble in cultivation. Among 
our iflanders, to whom the ufe of iron was unknown, iniftru- 
ments were ingenioufly formed of ftone, and of a certain 
ii^ecies of dur<ible wood, which were endued with nearly equal 
lolidity and fharpnefj. We find them felling large trees, 
building canoes and houfes, and forming domenic uienfils of 
exquifite workmanfhip. Poffefling the tools and materials 
neceffary for thefe purpofes, they could not be deftitute of pro- 
ber implements for the ruder operations of hufbandry, on a 
oil incapable of much refiftance. 

W E S T I N D I E S. 79 

tations of yams and other efculent roots; CHAP. 
yet the cultivation of none of them appears to ^^* 
be as extenfive, as was that of the maize in the ^^ ^ 
Weft Indies, or to difplay equal Ikill with the 
preparation of the caffavi-bread from the ma- 
niock.* The Weft Indians, notwithftanding 
that they poffeffed almoft every variety of vege- 
table nature which grew in the countries I have 
mentioned, the bread fruit excepted, raifed alfo 
both the maize and the maniock in great abun- 
dance; and they had acquired the Ikiil of wa- 
tering their lands from diftant rivers, in times of 
drought, t It may likewife be obferved, that al- 
though the Otaheiteans poftefs the flirub which 
produces cotton, they neither improve it by cul- 
ture, nor have the knowledge of converting its 
wool into cloth; J but content themfelves with a 
far meaner produ£lion as a fubftitute. Our 
iflanders had liot only the (kill of making excel- 
lent cloth from their cotton, but they praftifed 
alfo the art of dying it with a variety of co- 

* L'Abbe Raynal, in oppofidon to theteftimony of all the 
early Spanifh hiflorians -who have treated of the difcovery and 
produaions of America, (none of -whom indeed does he ap- 
pear to have conluked) aiferts that the maniock plant was ori- 
ginally introduced into <he Weft Indies from Africa, and that 
the Indians were firft ^nftruded by the negroes in the art of 
converting the polfonous root into wholefome food. For the 
fatisfa<f^ion of fiich of my readers as Vire not intimately ac- 
quainted with the American Hiftory, I think it neceffary to 
«bferve, that P. Martyr, in his firft decad, which bears date 
November, 1493, feven months only after the return of Co- 
lumbus from his firft voyage, particularly mentions the ma- 
niock, orjucca^ as furniftiing great part of the food of the 
iflanders, and he defcfibes their manner of making the cajavi 
bread from it ; obferving that the raw juice is as flrong a poi- 
;lon as aconite. . Negroes were not imported into the iflands 
till many years after this account was publifhed. 

t Martyr, Decad. iii. 

X Forfter's Obfervations. 


BOOK lours; fome of them of the utmoft brilliancj 
^' and beauty.*^ 

In the fcience of fhip-building (if the con- 
ftruftion of fuch Veffels as either people ufed, 
may be diftinguiftied with that appellation) the 
fuperiority is on the fide of Otaheite ; yet the ' 
Piragua^ s of the Weft Indians were fully fuffici- 
ent for the navigation they were employed in> 
and indeed were by no means contemptible fea- 
boats. We are told that fome of thefe vtSAs 
yrere navigated with forty oars;t and Herrara 
relates, that Bartholomew Columbus, in paffing 
through the Gulph of Honduras, fell in with one 
that was eight feet in breadth, ajid in length 
equal to a Spanifh galley. Over the middle was 
an awning, compofed of mats and palm-tree 
leaves ; underneath which were difpofed the wo- 
men and children, fecured both from rain and 
the fpray of the fea. — It was laden with commo- 
dities from Jucatan.J 

On the other hand, our ifland^rs far furpaffed 
the people of Otaheite, in the elegance and va-^ 
rie':y of their domeftic utenfils and furniture ; 
their earthenware, curioufly woven beds, and 
implements of hiilbandry. Martyr fpeaks with 
admiration of the workmanftiip of fome of the 
former of thefe. In the account he gives of a 
magnificent donation from Anacoana to Bartho- 
lomew Columbus, on his firft vifit to that Prin^- 
cefs, he obferves that, among other valuables, 
file prefented him with fourteen chairs of ebony 
beautifully wrought, and no lefs than fixty veffels 
of different forts, for the ufe of his kitcnen and 
uble, all of which were ornamented with figures 
of various kinds, fantaftic forms, and accurate 


'^ ♦ Oviedo. Purchas, vol. iii. p. 985. 
t Martyr, Decad. i. 
I Herrara, Decad. 1. lib. r* 

WE S T I N'D 1 E S. Sr 

ncprefentations of living animals^. The in- QHAR. 
duftry and ingenuity of our Indians therefore ^^ 
muft have greatly exceeded the meafure of their 
wants. Having provided for the neceflities of 
their condition, they proceeded to improve and 
adorn it. 

But I muft now leave them to the miferable 
fate in which it pleafed infinite, but infcrutable, 
wifdom to permit their mercilefs invaders to in- 
volve them for ever ! — It may, I think, be fafely 
affirmed, that the whole ftory of mankind affords 
no fcene of barbarity equal to that of the cruel- 
tics exercifed on tHefe innocent and inoffenfive 
people. All the murders and disfolations of the 
moft pitilefs tyrants that ever diverted themfelves 
with the pangs and convulfions of their fellow 
creatures, fall infinitely Ihort of the bloody enor- 
mities committed by the Spanifh nation in the 
conqueft of the New World ; — ^a conqueft, on a 
low eftimate, effeded by the murder of ten millions 
of the fpecies ! But although the accounts which 
are tranfmitted down to us of this dreadful car- 
nage, are authenticated beyond the poffibility of 
difputc, the mind fhrinking from the contempla- 
tion, wifties to refift convidiori, and to relieve it- 
felf by incredulity :-^Such at leaft is the apology 
which I would frame for the author of the Ame- 
rican Hiftory, when I find him attempting, in 
contradi Aion to the voice and feelings of all 
mankind, to palliate fuch horrible wickednefs f- 
, Vol. I. G Yet 

• P. Marnnr, Decad. i. 

t Introduaion to the Hiftorj of America, bv Dr. 
Robcrtfon, vol i. p. lo. " It is to be hoped" (fays this au- 
" ihor) " that the Spaniards will at lafl difoover this lyilem 
** of concealment to be iio lefs impolitic than illiberal. 
•• From irhat I have experienced in the courfe of my en- 
" quiries, I am fatisfied, that upon a more miniate fcrutin/ 
" into their early pperations in the New World, Jiowcver 



BOOK Yi!t the fame autbor admita, that in the flioit 
!• ^ interval of fifteea years fubfequent to the difco*- 
very of the Weft Indies, the Spaniards had re- 
duced the natives of Hifpaniola ** from a million 
to fixty thoufand*." It is in vain that he re- 
marks on the bodily feeblenefs of thefe poor 
Indians, and their natural incapacity for labour^ 
Such a conftitutional defedl, if it exifted, enti- 
tled th^m to greater lenity; but the Spaniards 
diftributed them into lots, and compelled theo» 
to dig in the mines, without reft or intermiffion, 
until death, their only refuge, put a period to 
their fufferings* Such as attempted refiftance or 
efcape, their mercilefs tyrants hunted down with 
dogs, which were fed on their flefti. They dif- 
regarded fex and age, and with impious and 
frantic bigotry even called in religion to fandlify 
their crudties ! Some, more asealous than the reft, 
forced their miferable captives into the water^ 
and after adminiftering to them the rite of bap- 
tifm, cut their throats the next moment, to pre- 
vent their apoftacy ! Others made a vow to hang 
Or burn thirteen ^very morning, in honour of 
our Saviour and the twelve Apoftles ! Nor were 
thefe the excefles only of a blind and remorfelefs 
fanaticifm, which exciting our abhorrence, ex- 
cites airo our pity: The Spaniards were aduatcd 
in many inftances by fuch wantonncfs of malice, 
as is wholly unexampled in the wide hiftory of 
human depravity. — ^Martyr relates that it was a 
frequent pradlice among them to murder the 


" -RfcPRitHSNSiiLi" (a tender expreiHoh) •• the aAions of 
•* Individuals may appear, the conduft of the nation will 
" be placed in a more favourable light.'* This opinion^ 
however, needs no other refutation than that which is to be 
found in the fiibfeq[uent pages of the learne4 Author'* 

* Hiftory of America, vol. i. book iH. p. 185. 

WE S T I N D I E S. I3 

Indians of Hifpaniola in fport, or merely, he ob«> CHi^P. 
ferves, to keep their hands in u/e. They had an ^^^ 
emulation Munich of them could moft dexteroufly ' 
ftrike off the head of a man at a blow; and 
wagers frequently depended on this hellifh ezer* 
cife*. To fill up the meafure of this iniquity; 
and demonftrate to the world, that the nation at 
large participated in the guilt of individuals, thtt 
Court of Spain not only neglefled to punifli theib 
enormities in its fubjcfts, but when rapacity and 
avarice had nearly defeated their own purpofes, 
bv the utter extirpation of the natives of Hifpa- 
niola, the King gave permiflion to feize on the 
unfuHpefling inhabitants of the neighboiuing 
iflands, and tranfport them to perifh in the mines 
of St. Domingo. " Several veflels'' (fays Dr. 
Robertfon) " were fitted out for the Lucayost 
*' the commanders of which informed the natives^ 
<< with whofe language they were now well ac* 
** quainted, that they came from a delicious 
•* country, in which their departed anceftors 
" refidea, by whom they were fent to invite 
" them to refort thither, to partake of the Wife 
« which they enjoved. That fimplc peopl^e 
" liilened with wonder and credulity, and fond 
" of vifiting their relations and friends in that 
*^ happy region, followed the Spaniards with 
" eagerncfs. By this artifice, above 40,000 
•* were decoyed into Hifpaniola, to fhare in the 
" fufferings which were tne lot of the inhabitant3 
^* of that ifland, and to mingle their groans 
" and tears with thofe of that wretched race of 
•* mcn+." After reading thefe accounts, who 
G z caa 

• P. Martyr, Decad. i. lib. iii. 
t Hiftory of America, book iii. p. 186. Sec likemfe 
P. lifaTtjrr, Decad. vii. This author relates the following 
affeAing panicuhrt of the poor Lucajans thus fraudu- 


BOOK can help forming an indignant ^^ifti that the hand 
J;_ of Heaven, by fome miraculous interpofition, 
' had fwept thefe European tyrants from the face 
of the earth, who, like fo many beafts of prey,- 
roamed round the world only to defolate and de- 
ftroy; and, more remorfelefs than the fierceft 
favage, thirfted for human blood, without hav- 
ing the impulfe of natural appetite to plead in 
their defence! 

On the whole, if we confider of how little 


kntly decoyed from their native countries. " Many of 
** them in the anguifh of defpair, obilinately refufe all 
•* manner of fuilenance, and retiring to defert caves and 
•* unfrecjuented woods, lilently give tip the ghoft. Others, 
*y repairing to the fea-coaft on tne northern ude of HUpa- 
" niola, caft many a longing look towards that part ofthe 
" ocean where they fuppofe their own iflands to be fituated; 
** and as the fea -breeze rifes, they eagerly inhale it ; fond- 
*' ly believing, that it has lately viiued their own happy 
^* vallies, and comes fraught with the breath of thofe tney 
*' love, their wives and their children. With this idea, 
*' they continue for hours on the coaft, until nature becomes 
** utterly exhaufted *, when ilretching out their arms towards 
" the ocean, as if to take a lafl embrace of their diftant 
** country and relations, they (ink down, and expire with- 
•• out a groan." — One of the Lucayans" (continues the 
fame author) ** who was more defirous of life, or had 
** greater courage than mod of his countrymen, took upon 
'* him a bold and difficult piece of work. Having been 
*' ufed to build cottages in his native country, he procured 
**' inflruments of ftone, and cut down a large fpongy tree 
" called jaruma^f the body of which he dexteroufly fcoop- 
*' cd into a canoe. He then provided himfelf with oars, 
/* fome Indian corn, and a few gourds of water, and pre- 
** vailed on another man and a woman to embark with him 
** on a voyage to the Lucayos Iflands. Their navigation 
" was profperous for near 200 miles, and they were almoft 
" within light of their own long-loll ihpres, when unfor- 
." tunately tney were met by a Spanifh ihip, which broueht 
** them back to flavery and forrow. The canoe is flill 
^* preferved in Hilpaniola as a fingular curiofity, confider^ 
" ing the circumfiances under which it was made." 
* The komhdx^ or wild cotton tree. 

WE ST I N DI E S. 8s 

benefit the acquifition of thefe iflands has fince CHAP, 
proved to the Spanifli nation, and count over the ^^• 
coll of the conqueft, we muft find it extremely '"^^^'"'*^ 
difficult to include fuch an event as the maflacre 
of ten millions of innocent people (comprehendi- 
ing the butcheries in Me:^ico and Peru) amongfl 
the number of thofe partial evils which ultimate- 
ly terminate in general good : Nor can we pofli- 
bly reconcile its permiiTion to our limited ideas 
of infinite wifdom and goodnefs ! Divines there- 
fore juftly conclude, that no ftronger proof than 
that which arifes from hence need be given of 
the exiftence of a future and better ftate, wherein 
the unequal diftribution of mifery and happinefs 
in this life fhall be adjufted ; " when the crooked 
** Jhall be made Jlraighu o,nd the rough places 
'' plainer 

* In 1585 Sir Francis Drake made a defcent on Hif- 
paniola ; and in his account of that ifland, which is pre- 
lerved in Hakluyt, vol iii. he relates that the Spaniards^ 
having utterly exterminated the ancient Indians, (not a fingle 
defcendant being, I doubt, at that time living) had neverthe- 
lefs derived fo Httle advantage from their cruelty, as to be 
obliged to convert fleets of leather into money ; — all the filver, 
in the attainment of which from the bowels of the earth fo 
many thoufands of poor wretches had perifhed, having long 
iince found its way to Europe, and the inhabitants had no 
means of getting a frefh fupply. 

It. may be proper in this place to obferve, that fome of the 
circumftances which I have related above, refpedting the cru- 
elties of the Spaniards, are extracted from the writings of 
Baitholomew De Las Cafas, who is accufed by Dr. Robertfon 
of exaggeration; — but Oviedo himfelf, who endeavours to 
palliate the monftrous barbarities of his countrymen towards 
the natives, by afferting that they were addi^ed to unnatural 
vices, which rendered tnem properly obnoxious to punifhment 
(a charge, by the way, which Herrara admits to be ground- 
lefi)— Oviedo, Hay, confeffes that in 1535, only forty-three 
years pofterior to the difcovery of Hifpaniola, and when he 
was himfelf on the fpot, there were not left alive in that iiland 
above five hundred of the original natives, old and young; for 
he adds, that all the other Indians at that time ther^, had been 




B O P ]^ forced or decoyed into flaveiy, from the tiei^bounAg iflaadt*. 
I. Las Cafas, it is true, vrhen he fpealcs of numbers in the grofs, 
certainlj over-rates the original inhabitants. But it does not 
appear that he meant to dec«v€ ; nor is there any juft reafon 
to iiifpe^ his verscity when he treats of matters fufceptive of 
precifion ; more efpecially in circumAances of which he de- 
clares himfelfto have been an eye-witnefs. Let the reader 
judee of Las Cafas from the following narrative, in which 
hisfalfehood (if the ftory were falfe) could have been very 
eafily deteAed. " I once beheld" (fays he) " four or five prin* 
*' cipal Indians roxfled alive at a flow fire ; and as the mifcrablt 
^* victims poured forth dreadful fcreams, which difturbed th!e 
** commanding officer in his afternoon {lumbers, he fcnt word 
** that they ihould be flrangled; but the officer on guard (I 


*' tillk) woilld not fuffer it; but cauiing their mouths to be 
'* gagged, that their cries might not be heard, he ftirred up the 
•* fire with his own hands, and roafted them deliberately till 
" they all expired. — I sAw it myself." ! ! ! 

It may be necefTary perhaps, on ray own account, ^o add, 
that I have no other edition of Las Cafas, than that which 
was publifhed at Antwerp, in 1579. From a copy of that 
edition I have extracted the foregoing horrid relation ; my 
hand trembling as I write, and my heart devoutly wifhing 
it could be proved to be fal4. 

♦ Orkdo, lib. Hi. c. vl 







Land animah ufid asfhod.-'^ijhes and witdfawl^ 
-^Indian tneihbd of fjfbing andftF^kng. — Efcu* 
lent vegetables^ tSc.'^'^nchJi&n. 

XN tracing^ the fevenil tribes of quadrupeds^ 
properly fo called^ which anckntl^ exifted in the 
Weft ladies, it will be found that the Windward 
ot Cbaraibeaa Iflaods, pofieflbd aU thait were 
poCTejQed by the larger iflands, and Some fpeciea 
which the lattei ^e& without. It ia likewife ob-L 
fcrvable that all the animals of the former^ are 
ftili fouad in Ouiana, and few or none of thent 
in North Amerka : Thefe are addid<Mial proofs 
that the WiUfdward Iflands were anciently peo- 
pled from theSouth. The enumeration cithern 
follows : 

i. the Agouti, 

2. The )Pecary, 

3. The Armadillo, 

4. The Opuffiam, 

5. The Racoon, 

6. TheMufkRat, 

7. The Alco- 

8. The fmaller Monkey of feveral va-' 


Thefe I thmk are thdir moft general appdln- 
tions ; but, frtm the varietv of Indian langu^s, 
or didefts rather of the lame langui^, which 
anciently prevailed ia the Mands and on the 
neighbouring €o!itinent, feme of thefe animals 





BOOK. have been diftinguiihg^ by fo many difierent 
^' names, tbat^ in reading the accounts of them 
tranfmitted by the French and Spaniih hiftcrians, 
:it is often cliffiQUlt to underila&d of which in 
particular they mean to fpeak. 

Th^ agouti is fometimes called coutiy and coatu 
It w>a8 corrupted into uti and utia^ by the Spa- 
niards ;. and at prefent it is known in fome parts 
of the Weft Inqies by the icrm^ pucarara and In- 
dian coney. It is the mus aguti of Linnaeus, and 
the cavy of Pennant and BufTon. 

To thefe writers it fe fufficient 'to refer, for A. 
ciefcription of its zvature and pr6pigrties.-^I fhall 
briefly obfervc thatj in comparing it with the 
quadrupeds of £uro|^, it conftitute aui 
intermediate fpecics! between the rabbit land the; 
rat ; and of the animals> whiirh. I have enimierat- 
ed above, this and theilaft are I : fear the only 
• ones that have cfcapjed: the common: fate of all 
the nobler inhabitants qf thefe unfbrtnnate.iflandsr 
man himfelf (as we have feien) not exceipted! 
The agouti is ftijl frequently. found in Poito4Ri*| 
CO, Cuba and Hifpaniola, and fometimes in the. 
mountains of Jamaica. In moft of the illands 
to Windward, the race, though bnce <^pmmon to 
^hem all, is now I believfe utterly extind. 

The pecary, which was known In the Wind- 
ward Iflands only, and the Continent, has been 
honoured with no lefs variety of names than the 
agouti. According to Rochefort it was alfo 
called javari and pacquire. By Dampier it is 
named ^^Azj. "Ry AcoHizifaino znA^aino. It is 
the Jus tajacu of Linnaeus, zxid xht pecary and 
Mexican-inufit Apg pf our Englifh naturalifls. *^ 

Of this animal ^ very full ^d particular ac- 
count has been givea by Monf. Buffon in his Na-, . 
tufal Hiftory, and by Dr. Tyfon in the Philofo- 
phical Tranfa^lionsi. I have beard that it ftill 



dxmnds in many of the provinces of Mexico; CHAP.' 
but in. the Weft Indian Iflande I believe the breed ^*V* 
has been long fince exterminated. Tbofe that I ' 
have, feen were carried thither from the Continent 
as objedls of curiolity ; and they appeared to me 
to differ from the European hog principally in 
thefingular but welMcnowndrcumflance of their 
having a muiky difcharge firom an aperture or ^ 
gland on the back> erroneoufiy fuppofed to be* 
the navel; and in the colour of their bnftles; 
the pecary being indeed. highly ornamented ; for 
the.briftles of thofe that Ibeneld, were of pale 
blue, tipt with white. It is si&> related of this 
animll, that it pollefles far greater courage than 
the hog of Europe^ and when hunted by dogs, 
will frequently. turn and compel its enemy to 
retreat. Thus its native bravery bringing- it 
within the reach of fire arms, contributed doubt- 
lefs to its final deftrudion in^the Iflands. - 

Of the armadillo, the fpedes smciently known 
ill thefe iflands was I think that which is called by 
fyflematical writers the nine banded. It is co- < 
yered with a jointed fhell or faJy armour, and 
has the faculty of rolling itfelf up, like the 
hedge-hog. As food it is faid to very wholefome ' 
and .delicate. It was once found in all parts of 
the Wefl Indies. 

The opuf&m (or manitou) is diflinguifhable ' 
from all other animals, by a wonderful property. 
Under the belly of the female there is a poucn, 
wherein fhe receives and fhelters her young.— 
Both thb and the former animal are too well 
known to. the curious in natural refearcfaes, to 
render it necefTary for me to be more particular. 
I believe the opnfTum, like the pecary, ^as un- 
known to the larger iflands. 

The racoon was common in Jamaica in the 
time of Sloane, who obferves that it was eaten 


90 HI9TX>RT or THE 

BOOK by all forts of peoj>le* lu abode was chiefly ik 
I- hollow trees, from whence, fays Sloane, it 
^ make^ paths to the cane^fields, where it chiefly 
fubfifts ; a circumftance which while it indicafes 
that its number was caafiderable, cafHy accounts 
for its deflru^ion. 

The snulk rat is the fihris of nerturalifts : it 
biirrow^ ia the earth, and fnnells £> ftrongly of 
mDfk, that its retreat is eafily difcovered. Ac« 
cording to the French writers, thefe abounded 
afKaepdy in Matdniicb and the other Windward 
Iflaads to a great degree:* ; and its refemblanoe 
to the jQommonrat of^Europe^ though four tinnes 
as large, pcobably |>ra^iad fatal to the whdle 
race. 1 am inclihed to Ibfped that this animal 
is the agomti of the fQcger Hlands. 

The aloo^ was the native dog. dF the New- 
Helnif|)here, nor tloes k feem to In^e differed 
greatly from that of the 0\d ; exoejUthat it jpof-^ 
fedbd not the pa\¥er cf barkingf. T^e natives 
of Hif{>aniola» like thofe of Otaheite, fattened^ 
them with care, and accounted their fldh a gmat^ 
delicacy^ " In St* Domingo" (lays Acofta) " the 
<' dogs of Europe haine muhiplied fi> e:cceeding*« 
<< ly that at this time (1^7) tliey are a nuifknOT 
^\ and a tetiror t6 the inhabitants, and a p'rice is 
" fet on their heads as on wolves in Oldf S^ain. 
*' At fiiril thei^ were no dogs in this ifland, but 
^\ agnail mute creature refemfoiin^ a dog, with 
^Vftsiofeiike that of a fox; which the natives 
<^ xidlod alcG. The Indians were io fond of 
'^' thefe little animah, that they carried them on 
"» thoir fliottlders wherever they went, or nou-^ 
«« rrilflfteidthem in thteirixrfbms." 

The monkey and its varieties require no de- 
fcription. — ^An Engliftiman is not eafily recon- 

\ ♦ f . Labat, torn. 11. p. 302. 1* F. Col. c. xxlv. 


ciled to them as food ; butt have been alTured CHAP. 
by an officer of diftin^lion, who was obliged to ^ ^• 
live on them fome time for want of other animal ' 
food, that they have very much the flavour of 

Thus, it appears that out of eight different 
fpecies of edible quadrupeds, one only was do* 
meftic and fequacious. Few indeed are the ani- 
mals that own allegiance to man in his lavage 
ftate. or the beafts of the foreft, the ftrongeft 
difpute his fuperiority and the weakefl avoid his 
approach. To his conveniency therefore .they 
contribute nothing, and towards his nourifhmem, 
the fupplies that they afford are cafual an4 tin- 
certain. Nature however feems to have difplay- 
ed towards the inhabitants of thefe iflands, a 
bounty that almofl rendered fuperfluous the la«* 
hours of art in procuring them fuflenance ; for, 
befides the animals that I have mentioned, and 
thofe that are furnilhed by the rivers and the fea,. 
the woods were peopled with two very extraor- 
dinary creatures ; both of which anciently were, 
and ftill are, not only ufed as food, but acccHint- 
ed fuperior delicacies. 

Thefe are the iguana and the mountain-crab. 
The iguana ^or, as it is more commonly written, 
the guana) is a fpecies of Lizard :-*a clafa of 
animals, about which naturalifts are not agreed 
whether to rank them with quadrupeds, or to 
degrade them to ferpents. — They feem therefiMre 
to ftand aloof from all eflablifhed fyftems, aiftd 
indeed juftly claim a very diflinguifhed place bv 
themfelves. From the alligator, the mofl formi- 
dable of the family, meafuring fometimes twenty 
feet in length, the gradation is regular in dimi- 
nution of fixe to the fmall lizard of three inches ; 
the fame figure and conformation nearly (though 
not_ wholly) prevailing in each- -The iguana is 



BOOK one of the intermediate fpecies, and is common- 
I- ly about three feet long, and proportionably 
" bulky. It lives chiefly among fruit trees, and is 
pcrfedly gentle and innoxious. Europeans 
doubtlefs learnt to make food of them from the 
example of the^ ancient Indians, amongft whom 
the pradlice of hunting them was a favou- 
rite diverfion * ; and they are now become gene- 
rally fcarce, except in the iflands of the Wind- 
ward paflage, and fuch other places between the 
tropics as are feldom vifited by man. I believe 
indeed the Englifh, even when they were more 
plentiful, did not often ferve them at elegant 
tables ; but their French and Spanifh neighbours, 
fefs fqueamifti, ftill devour them with exquifite 
rclifti : I imagine too they have good reafon ; for 
I have been affured by a lady of great beauty 
and elegance, who fpoke from experience, that 
the iguana is equal in flavour and wholcfomenefs 
to the fineft green turtlef. 


♦ F. CoL c. XXV. 

t P* Labat like wife fpeaks of a fricaifeed guana with high 
approbation. He compares it to chicken, for the whitenefs of 
its flefh and the delicacy of its flavour.— -Tom. iii. p. 315. 
In a fubfcquent page, he nves a minute account of the man- 
ner of catching tnis animal, and if the reader has no obje^i- 
on to accompany the good Father a la cbqffe^ he may partici- 
pate in the diverfion as follows : ** We were attended" Tfays 
he) " by a negro, who carried a long rod ; at one end of 
*• which was a piece of whipcord with a running knot. 
*' After beating tne bufhes for fome time, the negroe difco* 
** vered our rame bafking in the fun on the dry limb^of a tree* 
** Hereupon ne began whiflling with all his might, to which 
*' the guana was wonderfully attentive, ilretching out his neck 
" and turning his head, as if to enjoy it more fully. The 
" nem now approached, ftill whitUing, and advancing hit 
'* rod gently, began tickling with the end of it the fides and 
" throat of die guana, who feemed mightily pUafed with the 
'* operation; for he turned on his back, and ftretched out like 
*' a cat before a fire, and at length fairly fell aileep; which 

*' the 


Refpe&ingthe mountain crab, which ftill fur- CHAP, 
vives in the larger of thefe Iflands, though its ^V. 
final extindlion is probably at hand, its hiftory is ' 
fo wonderful, that I choofe rather to give it in 
the language of others, than in any recital of 
my own. The authors from whom I tranfcribe, 
are Du Tertre and Brown. They both wrote 
from their own knowledge and peifonal obferva- 
tion, and the fads which they relate have been 
repeated to me a thoufand times in the Weil 
Indies, by perfons, who I am fure never knew 
what has been publilhed on the fubjeft by any 
author whatever. " Thefe animals'* (fays Du 
Tertre) " live not only in a kind of orderly 
" fociety in their retreats in the mountains, but 
*• regularly once a year march down to the fea- 
" fide in a body of lome millions at a time. As 
** tliey multiply in great numbers, they chufe 
*• the months of April or May to begin their 
•* expedition; and then fally out from the 
** ftumps of hollow trees, from the clefts of 
*' rocks, and from the holes which they dig for 
^* themfelves under the furface of the earth. At 
** that time the whole ground is covered with 
*• tins band of adventurers ; there is no fetting 
** down one's foot without treading upon them. 
** The fea is their place of deftination, and to 
*' that they direft their march with right-lined 
** precifion. Mo geometrician could fend them 

" to 

*' the negro perceiving, dexteroufly flipt the noofe over his 
*' head, and with a jerk broughrhim to the ground : and good 
" foort it afforded" (continues the reverend hiftorian) ** to 
^* iee the creature fweil like a turkey cock, at finding himfelf 
**' entrapped. We caught others in the fame way, and kept 
•• one pf them alive fevcn or eight days, but it grieved me to. 
*' the heart to find that he thereby loll much delicious fat." 
Thefe animals are likewife known in the £ail Indies. ' Sir 
Toleph Banks ihot qnt of them at Batavia, and found it good 


BOOK <* to their deftincd ftation by a fliorter courfe; 
' they neither turn to the right nor to the kft 
" whatever obAacles intervene ; and if they meet 
" with a houfe, they will attempt to fcale the 
'* ^'alls to keep the unbroken tenor of their way. 
«* But though this be the general order of their 
«' route, thev upon other occaiions are cQmpell* 
«^ ed to conlorm to the face of the country, and 
<* if it be interfered by rivers, they are feen to 
« wind along the courfe of the ftream. The 
" proeeffion fets forward from the mountains 
" with the regularity of an army under the gui- 
" dance of an experienced commander. They 
" are commonly divided into* battalions, of 
" which the firft confifts of the ftrongeft and 
" boldeft males, that, like pioneers, march for- 
<' ward to clear the route and face the greateft 
«f dangers. The night is their chief time of 
" proceeding, but if it rains by day they do not 
** fail to profit by the occafion, and they conti- 
" nue to move forward in their flow uniform 
<^ manner. When the fun fliines and is hot tip^ 
*< on the furface of the ground, they make an 
^ univerfal hah, and wait till the cool of the 
" evening. When they are terrified, they 
<< march back in a confnfed diforderlv manner, 
** holding up their nippers, with wnich they 
** fometimes tear off a piece of the 4kin, and 
^ leave the weapon where they inflided the 
" wound. 

*' When after a fatiguing march, and efcaping 
** a thoufand dangers, for they are fometimes 
" three months in getting to the fliore, they 
'< hare arrived at their duftined port, they pre- 
" pare to call their fpawn. For this purpofc the 
<* crab has no fooner reached the ftiore, than it 
" eagerly goes to the edge of the water, and lets 
^ the wnves waih over its body two or three 

" times 


** timet to wafh off the fpawn. Thce^ are hatch- CHAP. 
" ed under the fand; and foon after^ millions ^^* 
*^ at a time of the new bom crabs, are feen 
*^ quitting the Ihorei and flowly travelling up 
" to the mountains." 

So far Du^ Tertre, as copied hy Goldfmith. 
What follows, is from Brown's Hiftory of Ja- 
maiQa. *' The old crabs having dilburihened 
" themfelves" (as above) " generally regain 
^* their habitations in the mountains by the 
" latter end of June.— -In Auguft they begin 
<' to fatten, and prepare for moulting ; filling 
" up their burfows with dry grafs, leaved, and 
" abundance of other materials. — -Whea the 
" proper period comes, each retires to his hole, 
'^ fhuts up the paflage and remains quite un- 
^^ a^ive until he gets rid of his old (hell, and 
^* is fully provided with a new one. How long 
*^ they continue in this ftate is uncertain, but 
^' the ihell is firft obferved to burft at the back 
" and the fides, to give a paiTage to the body, 
^^ and the anixnal eztra£ls its limbs from all the 
'* other parts gradually afterwards. At this time 
^' the fleih is in the richeft ftate, and covered 
'^ only with a tender membranous fkin, varie- 
*^ gated with a muldtude of reddifli veins, but 
^ this hardens gradually, and foon becomes a 
" perfeft fliell like the former. It is howevei\ 
'' remarkable that^ during this change^ there 
*^ are fome ftony concretions always formed in 
'' the bag, which wafle and diflblve as the crea- 
" ture forms and perfefts its new cruft." 

To thefe full and particular accounts I will 
add, of my own knowledge, that many people, 
in order to eat Qf this fingular animal in the 
l)igheft perfcAion, caufe them to be dug out of 
tji^ eartli in the moulting ftate; but they are 



BOOK tifually taken from the time they begin to move 
^' of themfelves, till they reach the fea as alrea* 
dy related. During all this time they are in 
fpawn^ and if my teftimony can add weight to 
that of all who have written, and all who have 
feafted, on the fubjedl, I pronounce them, with- 
out donbti one of the choiceft morfels in na« 
ture. The obfervation therefore of Dti Tcrtre, 
is neither hyperbolical, nor extravagant. Speak* 
ing of the various fpecies of this animal, he 
terms them " a living and perpetual fupply of 
^ ntnanna in the wildernefs ; equalled only by 
" the miraculous bounty of Providence to the 
** children of Ifrael when wandering in the de- 
" fert. Thev are a refource," continues he, 
" to which the Indians have at all times re- 
" fort ; for when all other provifions are fcarce, 
" this never fails them.'* 

Such plenty, if not variety, of animal food 
had the lavifh hand of nature enabled the 
groves and the forefts of thefe highly favoured 
iflands to furnifh for the ufe of man. The regions 
of water and of air were ftill more copioufly gift- 
ed. Happily the inhabitants of thofe elements, 
lefst obnoxious to the arts of deilni^lion than 
the races that I have defcribed, are yet iiiffici- 
ently numerous to bear witnefs themfelves to the 
inexhauftible liberality of their almighty Creator. 
— ^We may fay in the language of Milton, 

Each creek and bay 
With fr/ innumerable fwarm, and fhoalt 
Of fifh glide under the green wave. 

— ^— Part fmgle, or with oiate» 

Graze the fea- weed their pafture ; and thro' grovts 
Of coral ftray, or, fporting with quick glance. 
Show to the fun their wav'd coats! dropt with gold. 

While the woods and the marfhes equaHr 
abound with wild fowl of infinite variety, an4 



cxquifite flavour*. But of the tribes which CHAP, 
thefe iflands ftill abundantly furnifh, and from^ J^^ 
Avhofe nature and properties there is no rea- 
fon to apprehend an extinftion of the race, it 
is not within my province to treat. The enu- 
meration that I have made has chiefly extend- 
ed to fuch as from their fcarcity are feldom 
noticed by modern naturalifts and* voyagers, or 
of which the knowledge and even the names 
are loft to the prefent inhabitants : — for it has 
been juftly obfcrved that what from its antiqui- 
ty is but little known, has from that circum- 
ftance alone the recommendation of novelty. I 
Ihall therefore clofe my account of the animal 
creation with a defcription. of two very curious 
methods, knoAyn to the antient Indians, of catch- 
ing fifli and wild fowl, with which I believe the 
reader will be amufed. 

Vol. I. H « The 

• * The moft delicious bird in the Weft Indies is the ortalan^ 
or OSober-hird. It is the emberi%a oryzivora of Linnaeus, or 
rice-bird of South Carolina ; of which a defcription is given 
by Catelby. — Yet it it remarkable that they are reckoned birds 
of paflage in North America as well as in the Weft Indies. 
Catefljy obferves, that they arrive in Carolina in infinite 
numbors in the month of September, to devour the rice : 
they continue there about three weeks, and retire when the 
rice begins to grow hard. — He fuppofes their route to be from 
Cuba to Carolina •, but I believe tney are not in the iflands till 
the month of October. — ^At leaft it is in that month that they 
vifit Jamaica in prodigious fiidits, to feed on the feeds of the 
Guinea grafs. — ^According to Cateft)y, the hens only arrive in 
Carolina in September. The hen is about the bignefs of a 
lark, and coloured not unlike it in the back *, the breaft and 
belly pale yellow, the bill ftrong and fharp-pointed, and 
ftiaped like moft others of the granivorous kind. — ^The cock's 
bill is lead colour, the fore part of the head black, the hin- 
der part and the neck of a reddifh yellow, the upper part of 
the wing white, the back next the head black; lower down 
grey, the rump white, the greateft part of the wing and the 
whole tail black; the legs and feet brown in both fexes. — Vide 
the rellow Fly<atchcr ol Edwards, p. 5. 


" The Indians of Jamaica and Cuba" (fays 
Oviedo) " go a fiftiing with the remoray or fuck- 
" ing-fi(h, which they employ as falconers cm- 
" ploy hawks. This fifh, which is not above 
** a fpan long, is kept for the purpofe and re- 
" gularly fed. The owner on a calm morn- 
^' ing carries it out to fea, fecured to his canoe 
** by a fmall but ftrong line, many fathoms in 
** length; and the moment the creature fees a 
" fifh in the Water, though at a great diftance, 
'' it d^ts away with the Iwiftnefs of an arrow, 
" and foon fallens upon it. The Indian in the 
" mean time loofens and lets go the line, which 
" is provided with a buoy that keeps on the 
" furface of the fea, and fcrves to mark the 
" courfe which the remora has; taken, and he 
" purfues it m his canoe, until he conceives his 
" game to be nearly exhaufted and run down. 
" — He then, taking up the buoy, gradually 
" draws the line towards the ftiore ; the remo- 
" ra ftill adhering with inflexible tenacity to 
" its prey, and it is with great difficulty that 
" he is made to quit his hold. By this method"' 
(adds Oviedo) " I have known a turtle caught, 
." of a bulk and we^ht which no fingle man 
" could fupport *• 

Their contrivance for catching wild fowl was 
equally ingenious, though praAifed I believe by 
other nations, particularly the Chinefe,^even at 
this day. In the ponds which thefe birds fre- 
quent, they ufed to throw calabafhes (a fpecies 
of gourd) which float about the water, and 
which being at length accuftomed to, the wild 
fowl would approach without fear, and fome- 
times even refl upon. Having fucceeded thus 


♦ Herrara confirms this account. See alfo P. MartTX, 
Decad. L lil!>. ii. 


6r^ the fpcnrtfman puts one of thefe gourds on CHAP« 
his head (firft making apertures for the fight ^^• 
and the breath) and very cautioufly creeps into "^ 
the water, either gently fvvimming, or walking 
where the ftream is ihallow, with his head only 
above the water, until he gets among the fowl, 
when feizing one at a time by the feet, and 
dragging it by a fudden jerk undef the furface, 
he faf^ens it to his girdle, and thus loads him* 
fclf with as many as he can carry away, with* 
out creating th& kail alarm or difturbance among 
the reft, 

I might now proceed to an enumeration and 
account of the efculent vegeubles originally 
produced in thefe Iflands; efpecially thofe moft 
valuable ones, the maize, the plantain, the ma- 
niock, and the different fpecies of the diofcorea 
or yam; of which, and the many delicious 
fruits, the growth of thefe climates, the natives 
without doubt compofed the chief part of their 
daily fupport : but I am here happily anticipated 
by the voluminous coUeftions of fyftematical 
writers; particularly thofe of Sloane, Brown, 
and Hughes. Neverthelefs it were' to be wifti- 
ed that thofe authors had more frequently dif- 
criminated than they appear to have done,' fuch 
vegetables as are indigenous, from thofe which 
have been tranfplanted from foreign coun- 
tries. Nature, with moft beneficent intention, 
has beftowed on diftant climates and regions 
many fpecies peculiar to each. This variety 
in her works, is one of the greateft incitements 
to human i^duftry ; and the progrefs of men in 
' fpreading abroad the bleflings of Providence, 
adorning and enriching the widely feparated re- 
gions of the globe with their reciprocal pro- 
duftions, as it is one of the moft ufeful em- 
ployments of our faculties, fo it is a I'ubjedl 
H 2 ^which 



BOOK which well deferves the notice of the hiftorian,, 
^' and the contemplation of the philofopher. 

But it is now time to quit general defcription 
for particular hiftory. Many obje&s indeed are 
hereafter to be confidered, ^hich^ being com- 
mon to all our Weft Indian pofTeffions^ will be 
comprehenfively difcuffed ;— -but in previoufly 
treating of the origin and progrefs of bur uatir. 
onal eftablifhments in them, it feems< proper to 
difcourfe of each Ifland feparately ;-^<uidv as the 
XDoft important^ I begin with.jAiciiCA, 

A P P E N- 



Containing fome additional ohferuations concern^ 
ing the origin of the Ckaraibes. 

JtiAVING ventured, in the fecond chapter of APPEN- 
this book, to adopt the opinion of Hornius * \^^^^ 
and other writers, who affign to fome of the na- 
tives of America an oriental origin, and fuppofe 
that they anciently crofled the Atlantic Ocean, I 
beg the reader's indulgence while I briefly ftate 
the evidence whereon I attempt to rebuild a fyf- 
tem, which it has become fafhionable, among 
fome late philofophers, to rejeft and deride. 

So many volumes have indeed already been 
written, and fo much ufelefs learning exhaufted, 
on the fubjeft of the firft peopling America, that 
I doubt the reader will flirink with difguft from 
an inveftigation, which perhaps has given rife 
to as great a number of idle books, as any que- 
ftion (fome difputed points in divinity except- 
ed) that ever diftraded the attention of man- 

It may be neceflTary therefore to premife, that I 
mean to apply my argument to the Charaibe 
Nation only ; a people whofe manners and cha- 
rafteriftic features denote, as I conceive, a dif- 
ferent anceftry from that of the generality of 
the American nations. 

It is not; wonderful that the notion of their 
tranfatlantic origin fhould have been treated 


* De originibus Amcricanis, lib. ii. c. vi. 


BOOK with derifion. — ^The advocates for this opinion, 
Jf-_ like the framers of moft other fyftems, by at- 
tempting to prove too much, have gained even 
lefs credit than they deferve. In contending' 
that the New World was firft planted, by ad- 
venturers from the Old, they univerfally take 
for granted, that fome of thofe adventurers re- 
turned, and gave accounts of their difcoveries ; 
for they fuppofe that America was well known 
to the ancients; that not only the Phenicians 
made repeated voyages thither; but that the 
Egyptians and Carthaginians alfo, voluntarily 
croffed the Atlantic, and planted Colonies, at 
different periods, in various parts of the New 

In fupport of thcfe opinions, cjuotations have 
been made from poets, philofophers and hifto- 
rians : But, if we refleft on the limited extent 
of navigation before the difcovery of the com- 
pafs ; the prevailing diredion of the winds be- 
tween the tropics ; and various other obftruc- 
tions, we may I think very confidently deter- 
mine (notwithftanding the traditions preferved 
by Plato ; the poetical reveries of Seneca the 
tragedian, and many other paffages in ancient 
writers, which admit of various interpretations, 
and therefore prove nothing) that no vejjel ever 
returned from any part of America before that of 
Columbus. — This conclufion however does by 
no means warrant us in pronouncing that no 
veffel ever failed thither from the ancient con- 
tinent, (either by accident or defign, anterior to 
that period. That luch inftances did adlually 
happen, and by what means, I fhall now endea- 
vour briefly to point out. 

There is no circuinftance in hiftory better 
attefted than that frequent voyages from the Me- 
diterranean along th? African coaft, on the At- 

W E S T I N D I E S. 103 

lantic Ocean, were made, both by the Phenici- APPEN- 
ans and Egyptians, many hundred years before ^ ^^' 
the Chriftian era. It is true, that ahnoft all the ^ 
accounts which have been tranfmitted to us, in 
profane hiftory, of thofe expeditions, arc in- 
volved in obfcurity, and intermixed with abfur- 
dity and fable ; — ^but it is the bufinefs of philo- 
phy to feparate, as much as poffible, triith from 
falihood; and not haftily to conclude, becaufe 
fome circumftances are extravagant, that all are 
without foundation. We know from indifputa- 
ble authority, that the Phenicians difcovered 
the Azores, and vifited evan our own Ifland 
before the Trojan war.* That their fucceflbrs 
'the Carthaginians, were not lefs diftinguifhed 
for the fpirit of naval enterprize, we may con- 
clude from the celebrated expedition of Hanno ; 
who, about 250 years before the birth of our 
Saviour, failed along the African coaft, until he 
came within five degrees of the line. It was 
the Carthaginians who difcovered the Canary 
Iflands, and it appears, from the teftimony of 
Pliny,t that they found in thofe iflands, the 
ruins of great buildings, (vejiigia Mdifciorum) 
a proof that they had been well inhabited in 
periods of which hiftory is filent. 

So far, we have clear hiftorical evidence tOi 
guide us in our refearches. Not lefs clear and/ 


♦ Procoplus, Secretary to Belifarius in the time of Jufti- 
nian, mentions in his Vandalica, book ii. that there were 
then ftanding in Africa Tingitana, (Tangier) two columns 
created by the Chananites that fled from Jofhua, xkt fon of 
Nun. Etifebius alfo writes that thofe Chananites which were 
driven QUt by the Ifraelites conducted Colonies to Tripoli, in 
Africa. (Bochart in Canaan^ cap. xxiv.)— that they navigat* 
ed the Weftcrn Ocean (cap, xxxvi.) and were in Gaul and 
Britain (ci^. xlii.) See alio Sanunes's Phaenician Hiftory of 

t Lib* vi. c ^xxii. dc Fortunatit InfuTu. 

,04 H I S T O R Y O F T H E 

BOOK certain (though lefs numerous) are the accounts 
I- of the Phenician navigation, down the Arabian 
Gulph, or Red Sea, to diftant parts of Afia and 
Africa, in ages ftill more remote than thofe that 
have been mentioned. In the voyages under- 
taken by King Solomon, he employed the fhips 
and mariners of that adventurous and commer- 
cial people. With their afliftance he fitted out 
fleets from Ezion-geber, a poft of the Red Sea, 
fuppofed to be the Berenice of the Greeks. Of 
thofe Ihips, fome were bound for the weftern 
coaft of the great Indian continent ; others, 
there is reafon to believe, turning towards Afri- 
ca, pafled the fouthern promontory,, and re- 
turned home by the Mediterranean to the port 
of Joppa. 

In fupport of this account of the flourifhing 
ftate of ancient navigation in the Arabian Gulph, 
\ve have, firft of all, the higheft authority to re- 
fer to ; that of the fcriptures. Next to which, 
we may rank the teftimony of Herodotus, the 
father of profane hiflory ; the truth of whofc 
-well-known relation of a Ph^nician fleet doub- 
ling the Cape of Good Hope fix hundred years 
before the birth of Chrift, was never difputed 
I believe, until our learned countryman, the 
author of the late American hiftory, delivered it 
as his opinion that " all the information we 
" have received from the Greek and Roman 
*^ authors, of the Phenician and Carthaginian 
** voyages, excepting only the fliort narrative 
*' of Hanno's expedition before mentioned, is 
" of fijfpicious authority."* 

I fhall quote from Herodotus the paffage al- 
luded to, that the reader may judge for himfelf 
of the veracity of the venerable old Greciaix. 


* Robenfon*s Hiftor/ of America, vol. i. p. ^ 


It is as follows. " Lybia is every where encir-APPEN- 

** cled by the fea, except on that fide where it ^^ 

'^ adjoins to Afia. Pharaoh Neco, King of 

" Egypt,* made this manifeft. After he had 

** denfted from his ptojedl of digging a canal 

" from the Nile to the Arabian Gulph, he fur- 

" niihed a body of Phenicians with fliips, com- 

" manding them to enter the Northern Sea by 

** the Pillars of Hercules ; and fail back by that 

** route to Egypt. The Phenicians therefore 

" failing from the Red Sea navigated the South- 

" em Ocean : At the end of autumn they an- 

" chored, and going a{hoi;e fowed the ground, 

" as thofe who make a Lybian voyage always do, 

** and ftaid the harveft. Having cut the corn, 

" they failed. Thus two years having elapfed, 

•* they returned to Egypt, palling by the Pil- 

** lars of Hercules ; and they reported a cir- 

** cumftance which I can fcarcely credit, but 

" other people may, that failing round Lybia 

" the fun rofe on the right hand f." 

Notwithftanding the doubts entertained by 
Dr. Robertfon refpe&ing this account, I per- 
ceive in it fuch evidence of truth, as to my 
own mind, affords entire conviftion. — How could 
•it have been known, unlefs from aftual obferva- 
tion, that Africa, towards the South, was en- 
compaffed by the fea ? The caution with which 
the venerable hiftorian expreffes himfelf, is re- 
markable ; and the circumftance that the fun 
rofe on the right, is decifive of the main faft ; 


* There were two kings of Egypt of this name. The 
fecond, who is generally luppofed to have ordered the' cir- 
cumnavigation of Africa, was flain in battle by the Aflyri- 
ans, I think under the command of Nebuchadnezzar; but an 
ambiguous phrafe in Herodotus, feems rather to point out the 
elder Neco, who was contemporary with Solomon. 

f Herod. Melpomene 42. 


BOOK — for it demouftrates that they had then adlu-, 
^' ally doubled the fouthem promontory, and were 
' fleering in a northerly direction ; — -the courfe 
they would neceffarily purfue. 

Dr. Robertfon has Ihewn, it is true, that ma- 
ny hiftorians and geographers of antiquity, who 
lived long after the days of Herodotus,, knew 
nothing concerning the form and ftate of the 
fouthem parts of Africa. — He obferves particu- 
larly that Ptolemy, the aftronomer, fuppofed 
that this great continent ftretched without inter- 
ruption to the Sbuth Pole. All this however 
only demonftrates that navigation, like many 
other branches of fcience, flourilhed in one age, 
and declined in another. Herodotus lived 400 
years before the birth of our Saviour, and 
Ptolemy 140 years after. Ancient hiftory abun- 
dantly proves that the Phenicians, and their fuc- 
ceffors the Carthaginians, pofleflfed far greater 
Ikill in naval affairs, than the Greeks, Romans, 
or any other nation that came after them, until 
the fpirit of naval difcovery revived, and fhone 
with greater luftre than ever, in the fifteenth 

From this recapitulation which I have thought 
neceffary to make, thbugh the fubftance of it 
may be found in a thoufand different authors^ 
(commonly blended indeed with much learned 
abfurdity and frivolous conjedure) the reader 
will clearly perceive that the navigation of the 
Atlantic Ocean, along the coaft of Africa, both 
from the North and the South, and even at a 
confiderable diftance from the land, \yas well un» 
derftood and prevailed in very remote^ ages. 
Now if we enquire into the nature of the winds 
and currents on the African coaft, and refledl, 
on the various cafualties to which fhips at fea 
are liable, even in the moft favourable feafon of 


W E S T I N D I E S; 109 

the year ; we muft admit, that it not only pro^- APPEN- 
bably happened in fome of thofe ancient expc* I^CC. 
ditions, but even that // was fcarce pojjible not^ 
to happen^ that veffels would be driven by fud- 
den gufts, or carried by adverfe currents, with- 
in the verge of the trade-wind ; in which cafe, 
if they happened to lofe their mafts, they muft 
necefl'arily run before the wind, towards Brafil, 
or the Weft Indies. 

Two remarkable accidents of this nature, 
precifely in point, are recorded by writers of 
credit, and doubtlefs there, are many other in- 
ftances equally well authenticated, that have 
efcaped my refearch. The firft is related by 
Glafs, in his hiftory of the Canary Iflands, who 
obferves that a i'mall bark, bound from Lance- 
rota to Teneriffe, was thus forced out of her 
courfe, and obliged to run before the wind until 
ihe came within two days fail of the coaft of 
Caraccas ; where ftie fortunately met with an Eng- 
lifh cruifer which relieved her diftreffes, and di- 
redled her to the Port of La Guaira on that coaft^ 
The other is told by Gumilla, as follows. " In 
" December 1731," fays this author, " while 
" I was at the town of St. Jofeph, in Trinidad, 
*' a fmall veffel, belonging to Teneriffe, with 
** fix feamen, was driven into that ifland, by 
** ftrefs of weather. She was laden with wine ; 
** and being bound to one other of the Canary 
** Iflands, had provifions for a few days only, 
** which, with their utmoft care, had been ex- 
" pended a conliderable time ; fo that the crew 
" lived entirely on wine. They were reduced 
^* to the laft extremity, and expefted death eve- 
^* ry moment, when they difcovered Trinidad, 
" and foon afterwards came to an anchor in 
^ that ifland, to the great aftoniftiment of the 
^ inhabitants j who ran in crowds to behold th^ 



BOOK" poor feamen; whofe emaciated appearance, 
^' ** would have fufficiently confirmed the truth of 
their relation, even if the papers and docu- 
ments which they produced, had not put the 
matter out of all poflible doubt." 
To the preceding inftances, it may \ye added 
that Columbus himfelf, in his fecond expedition 
to the Weft Indies, found the ftem-poft of a 
veflel lying on the Ihore at Guadaloupe ;— a cir- 
cumftance which affords a ftrong prefumption 
that a fhip had been in the New World before 

Under this head of fortuitous vifits to the 
American continent prior to that of Columbus, 
may likewife be included the circumftance men- 
tioned by Martyr, that at a place called G^uare- 
qua, in the Gulph of Darien, Vafcho Nunez 
met with a colony of negroes *. The enquiry (if 
any was made) by what means they came into 
that region, or how long they had refided in it> 
and the anfwers to fuch queftions, are not re- 
corded by the Spanifti hiftorians ; but from the 
fmallnefs of their number, it was fuppofed they 
had not been long arrived upon that coaft. 
There can be no doubt but that fohie acciden- 
tal caufe had condufted them thither from Afri- 
ca, and in open canoes^ of no better conftruAion 
than thofe of the American Indians f. 


* Mancipia ibi nigra repererunt ex reglone diftante a 
CKiarequa, dierum fpatio tantum duorum quae folos gignit ni- 

gritas et eos feroces atque admodiim truces. P. Martyr, 

Decad. Hi. c. i. 

f Such accidents in truth are common in all parts of the 
world. The inhabitants of Java report their origin to have 
been from China; the tradition among them being that, 850 
years ago, their progenitors were driven by a tempefl upoa 
that ifland in a Chinefe junk : And we owe the European dif^ 
covery of Japan to three Portuguei'e exiles who were fhip- 




The reader will now perhaps conclude thatAPPEN- 
Dr. Robertfon pronounced too haftily,. when he ^^• 
pbferved " that fuch events/* (as thofe that I ' 
have mentioned) " are barely poflible, aQd may 
** have happened; but that they ever did hap- 
" pen, we. have no evidence, either from the 
" clear teftimony of hiftory, or the obfcure in* 
" timations of tradition." . This . declaration is 
ftrange, and the more unexpe£led, as the learn- 
ed author had a little before related the circum- 
ilance of the accidental difcovery^ of.Brafil by 
the Portuguefe, in the year 1500. " The fuc- 
" cefsful voyage of Gama to the Eafl Indies" 
(obferves the hiftqrian) " having encouraged the 
" King o,f Pprtugal to fit out a fleet, fo power- 
" ful, as not only to, carry on trade, but to at- 
!• tempt conqueft, he gave the command of it 
** to Pedro Alvarez Cabral.. In order to avoid 
•* the coaft of Africa, where he was certain ojf 
" meeting witl^ variable breezes, or frequent 
" calms, to retard his voyage, Cabral ftood out 
"to Tea, and kept fo far to the Weft, thatj^ 
^^ to his furprife, he found himfelf upon the 

wrecked there in 1542. I belle\'e that fhips bound from Eu- 
rope to the Eaft Indies, at a certain feafon of the year gene* 
tally make for the fouthern coafl of Brafil, in order to fall 
in with the wefterl/ monfoon, which enables them either to 
reach the Cape of Good Hope^ or purfue their route by Ma- 
dagafcar ; for while the eattern monfoon prevails, they are 
conftantly baffled in their attempts to double the Cape, and 
are driven to leeward towards the coaft of South America. 
In the year i6a6, when Sir Dodmore Cotton was fent on an 
cmbaiTy to the Periian Court, the fleet in which he failed was 
forced by contrary winds within a few leagues of the ifland of 
Trinidad, in the Weft Indies. Sir Thomas Herbert in hit ' 
account of this voyage, relates that " on the firft of June^ 
•• when they were by obfervation in 24*^ 42' fouth latitude, 
" they met with many fudden gulls and ilorms which render- 
*' ed them unable to purfue their courfe, and drove them to 
** leeward 100 leagues upon the coaft of BrafiL" 

tid^ H I S TOR Y 6 F TH E 

BOOK '* fhore of an unknown country, in the tenth 
I- *^ degree -beyond the line. He ima^ned, at firft, 
« that it was fome ifland in the Atlantic Ocean 
*^ hitherto unobferved; but, proceeding along 
*' its coafts for feveral days, he was led gradu- 
*^ ally to believe that a country fo cxtenfive 
*' formed a part of fome great continent. This 
*^ latter opinion was well founded. The coun- 
*' try with which he fell in belongs to that pro- 
" vince in South Amerita now known by the 
*^ name of Brafil. He landed ; and having form- 
** ed a very high idea of the fertility of the 
** foil and agreeablenefs of the climate, he 
^* took poflefTion of it for the CrovvTi of Por- 
*' tugal, and difpatched a fliip to Lisbon with 
" an account of this event, which appeared to 
^* be no lefs important than it Was unexpedl- 
" ed. Columbus's difcovery of the New Worl J 
** was the effort of an aftive genius, enlight- 
*^ ened by fcience, guided by experience, and 
" ading upon a regular plan, executed with 
*f no lefs- courage than perfeverance. But :(rom 
'^ this adventure of the Portuguefe, it appear^ 
*^ that chance niiffht have accomplifhed that 
*' great defign, which it is now the pride of 
** human realbn to have formed and perfefted. 
" If the fagacity of Columbus had not con- 
** dufted mankind to America, Cabral, by a 
" fortunate accident, might have led them, a 
** few years later, to the knowledge of that 
** extenfive continent*. 

And certainly, by fome fuch accident, in 
s^es long pafTed, might the ancient Hemifphere 
have given a beginning to population in the 
New ; or at leaft have fent thither the progeni- 
tors of that feparate race of people of which I 
now treat. It remains for me however to afligu 


* Hift. America, voL i. p. 151. 


my reafons for particularly applying tliis con-APPEN- 
clufion to the Charaibes, inftead of any other ^^• 
of the numerous tribes which inhabit the eaft- ^ 
em fide of the immenfe continent of South- 

The migration of any people is bed traced 
by their language : but there is this inconveniency 
attending this fpecies of evidence, that in re- 
ducing a language, merely oral, to writing, 
different perfons even of the fame nation, would 
fometimes reprefent the fame found by a very 
different combination of letters; — much more 
frequently would this happen, Ihould the wri- 
ters be of diftant countries, and confequently 
habituated to various modes of pronunciation 
and orthography ; — but although I am of opi- 
nion therefore that vocabularies preferved by 
voyagers feldom afford much certainty of in- 
formation on a comparifon with each other ; there 
are, neverthelefs, ii^ every language, many words 
of which the found is too umple to be eafily 
mifunderftood or grofsly mifreprefented. 

Thus, on comparing the Charaibe vocabulary, 
preferved by Rochefort, with the ancient orien- 
tal diale6ls*, it is fcarce i)oflible to* doubt that 
the following words ufed by the Charaibes, had 
their origin in the Old Hemifphere, and we 
may readily believe that many inftances of a fi- 
milar nature might be adduced, but for the caufe 
I have affigned, namely, the different modes 
which different perfons would necelTarily adopt, 
each according to his own perception of the 
found, of reducing the, fame words to writing : 
thus creating a perplexity which it is now too 
late to difentangle. 


* For this illuftration, and other affiftance in the courfc 

♦f this enquiry, I am indebted to a learned friend; bj whom 

a I am 



5> * ^ 


3 J 

Q ? 


iS - S s 






So 5 c« 


-^ -S 5{ i a fl 3 §-§ o 2 g-^ § 








To the proofs arifing from language, I fliall APPEN- 
add another. — We have feen from Herodotus,^ ^^^ 
that the Pheuicians in their African voyages were 
accuftomed to land on the Arabian and Lybian 
coafts, and talking pofleffion of a fpot of ground 
fit for their purpol'e, they proceeded to plough 
up and fow it with corn, and waited until it 
came to maturity; — ^thus providing themfelves 
with food for a long navigation. This praifticc 
muft doubtlefs have given rife to difputes and con- 
flids between the intruders and the inhabitants. 
Now it is remarkable that the word Ckaraibey in 
the Arabic language, iigniiies, as I am inform- 
ed, a robber or deftroyer, an appellation which 
we may believe was frequently beftowed by the 
natives, on the invaders of their cotmtry *. 

The-teftimony arifing from a fimilarityof man- 
ners, though far lefs conclufivc.than the evi*- 
dcnce of language^ is furely, in the prefent cafe, 
not without its force. That many of the cuf- 
toms of the eaflem nations prevailed among the 

Vol.; I. I Charaibes, 

I am informed (being yn)rfeif unacquainted with the oriental 
Unguals) that the Samaritan, and old Phenician, the Syriac, 
Chaldee and Hebrew, are all dialefls of one language; dilFer- 
ing but little from each other, except in their letters. The 
Hebrew agrees lefs with the other diakfts than the reft, but is 
now printed in the fame charadler with the Chaldee. The/ 
all form a noun, in the fame manner except the Hebrew, 
which prefixes W (S) to form the genitive cale, and HH (at) 
to form the accufative; all the others ufe T (D) and nv (it). 

♦ Leri^ and fomc others^ fpeak of the Charalhes as priefts 
or prophets found in BrafiL Kochefort makes Cbaraihe a na- 
tional name* Thefe words ai^e oriental, founding alike, but 
fpelt differently V and of a different meaning: The prieils may 
be called wn* i*ip as men who offer pip K«^C«r an offering, 
»«^v««; is the Greek word for a prieft of Cybcle, unde CoRt- 
lAKTEs. mn^S \xr^ ODO anp^ "h Leviticus i^ 2. But if 
the national name be derived from their warlike and predate* 
ry way of life, then we may derive it fropi y^n the verb Chal- 
dee. Syr. Arab, to /<y wajfe* The noun fignifies a fword or 
fpear and na*»n Sam. IVar. 


BOOK Gharaibes, I have, I thiijk, fufficiently demon- 
J-^ ftrated, to thole at leaft who are acquainted with 
^ ' oriental hiftory, in the fecond chapter of this 
work. Of fome of thofe cuftoms, the refem- 
blance was probably fortuitous, and a fimilaritj 
of climate and fituation, might have given riie 
to others; but when very lingular praAices pre- 
vail between diftant nations, which are neither 
founded in nature nor climate, nor proceed from 
fituation and rank in the fcale of refinement, 
the coincidence can fcarcely be deemed acci- 
dental. ThuSy among other cuftoms equally re- 
markable, it has been related that the Chaxaibes 
buried their dead in a cowering pofture, with 
the knees to the chin. That this was an anci- 
ent pradlice of fome of the eaftem nations ap- 
pears from the authorities of Herodotus and Ci- 
cero; the former recording the exiftence of it 
among the Nafamones, a people who inhabited 
the countries between Egypt and Carthage ; and 
the latter relating the fame circumftance of the 
ancient Perfians. I am inclined to believe that 
this praftice prevailed alfo in the country and 
age of the patriarchs; — for how otherwife are we 
to underftand the fcripture phrafe of gather- 
ing UP THE FEET OF THE DYING? ** And wAcft 

•' Jacob had made an end of commanding his finSy 


^* and yielded up the ghoft*'\ 

Equally prevalent among the Charaibes, and 
many of the ancient nations of the Old He- 
mifpnere, were the fuperftitious rites of fhor- 
tening the hair and wounding the fle(h, in re- 
ligious ceremonies and lamentations for the 
dead. That thefe praAices were ufual among 
the heathens, lb early as the days of Mofcs, 


* Gen. c. xlix. v. 33- 


is evident from the injunftipn wMich the LordAW^Jfl- 
laid on the children of Ifrael to avoid them.^^^^- 
" Ye Jhall not roimd tJte corners of your head, 
" neither /hd/t thou: mar the corners OJ thy beard. 
" Ye fkaU not make any cuttings in yoUr fleftf 
^^ for the deady nor frint any marks ufonyou*J^ 
Again,—" Ye are the children cf the Lord, yioi^r 
" God: Ye Jhall not cut ymrfelves, nqr mate 
" atty haldnefs between your eyes for the dead f." 
Among the heathens however the fame cere- 
monies were ftill continued; for in Samaria, in 
the days of Ahab, King of Ifrael, it is record- 
ed of the prophets of Baal that, in worlhip- 
ping their idol, " they cried aloud and cut them-^ 
** felves after their manner with knives and lances 
** //// the blood gujhed out upon them \?^ 

But perhaps the inftance the mod appofite 
and illuftrative, was the habit among the Chk- 
raibes of chewing the betele, preparing it with 
calcined Ihells precifely after the manner of the 
Indians in the Eaft; — -4 circumftance, which, 
though recorded by P. Martyr ||, had efcaped 
my refearches, until it was pointed out to me 
by Mr. Long. Some other refemblances almofl 
equally ftriking, might be coUedled; but the 
reader will probably think that more than 
enough has alreadv been faid on a fubje^ the 
inveftigation of wnich he may perhaps deem ^ a 
mere matter of idle curiofity, neither contri- 
buting to the improvement of fcience, nor the 
comfort of life. 

Here then I conclude : An attempt to trace 

back the Charaibes of the Weft Indies to their 

I 2 progenitors, 

♦ Levit. c. adx. v. 27. 
t Deut. c. xiv. V. i. 
t I Kings, c. xviiL-v. 28* 
H Deca£ viiL c. vi. 





BOOK progenitors, the firft emigrants from the ancient 
^' hemifphere, in order to point out, with any de- 
gree of precifion or probability, the era of their 
migration^ were (like the voyages I have been 
defcribing) to venture on a vaft and unknown 
ocean without a.compafs; — and even Without 
one friendly ftaf to guide us through the night 
of conjedure. . 




I "7 3 

TH 1 

H I S TO R Y, 



Britifli Colonies in the Weft Indies. 


CHAP. 'I. 

Difcovery of Jamaica by Columbus. — His return in 
1503. — Spirited proceedings of his fon Diego, 
after Columbus'" s death. — Takes poffeffton of 
Jamaica in 1509. — Humane condud^ of Juan 
de Efquivel, the firfl GoFoemor. — Efiablijhment 
and defertion of the town of Sevilla Nueva. — 
Deflru9ion of the Indians.^^St. Jago de la 


* It may be proper to oK^rve that the governor of Jamaica 
is ililed in his commiiSon Captain general &c. of Tamaiea 
and the Urrlioriet tbtreon depenJiMg in jdmerka* By thefe 01- 


Ve^a founded. — Gives the title of Marquis to 
Diego^sfon Lewis ^ to whom the IJland is granted 
in perpetual fovereignty. — Defcends to his ftfier 
Ifabellaj who conveys her rights by marriage to 
the houfe of Braganza.— Reverts to the crown of 
Spain J in iS^ol^-^Sir Anthony^ Shirley invades 
the IJlajid in 1596, and Col jackfon in l638. 

BOOK Jamaica had tlie honour of being difco- 
II- vered by Chriftopher Columbus, in his fecond 

^'^^^r"^ expedition to the New World. In his former 
voyage he had explored xh^ north-eaftern part of 
Cuba, proceeding from tnence to Hifpaniola; 
but he had returned to Europe in doubt whether 
Cuba was an ifland only, or part of fonie great 
continent, of which he had received obfcure 
accounts from the natives. To fatisfy himfelf 
in this particular, he determined, foon after his 
arrival a fecond time at Hifpaniola, on another 
voyage to Cuba, by a fouth-wefterly courfe, 
and, in purfuance of this refolution, on the 24th 


f VNBKNCizs "were meant the Brkiih fettlements on the Muf- 
quito fhore, and in the bay of Hon<lura9 : But his jurifdidi- 
on over thofe fettlements having been imperfe^flly defined, 
"was feldom acknowledged by (he fettlersy except when the/ 
wifhed to plead it in bar of the authority claimed by their re-. 
fpe6tive fuperintendants. On fuch occafions they admitted a 
fuperior jurifdi6lion in the governor of Jamaica, and applied 
to him for commiffions civil and military. As both the 
fettlements were furrendered to the crown of Spain by the 
Spanifh convention figned at London on the 14th of July 
1786, it coipes not within the plan of my work to enter on 
a difplay of their pafl or prefent ftate. I formerly drew up a 
memorial concerning the fettlement on the Mufquito fhore, 
wherein an account was given of the country, its inhabitants 
and produ^ions, and the queftion between Great Britain 
and Spain, as to the territorial right, pretty fully difcuffed. This 
memorial having been laid before the Houie of Commons in 
^774 V^7 Governor John ftone) was foon afterwards publilhed 
jnAJmoa's Parliamentary Regifter. 


pf April, 1494, Columbus failed from the Port CHAp, 
of Ifabella, with one (hip and two ftiallops. On ^• 
Tuefday the 29th, he anchored in the harbour 
of St. Nicholas. From thence he croffed over 
to Cuba, and cOafted along the fouthern fide of 
that Ifland, furrounded. by many thoufand 
canoes filled with Indians, whom curiofity and 
admiration had brought together. In this navi- 
gation, on Saturday the 3d of May, hedifcovered, 
for the firft time, the high lands of Jamaica on 
the left, and probably learnt its name (the nam^ 
which it ftill retains*) from fome of the Indians 
that followed him. As this was a new dif- 
covery, and many of the feamen were willing to 
believe that it was the place to which they had 
been formerly direAed by the Indians of the 
Bahama Iflands, as the country mod abounding 
in gold, Columbus was eafily perfuaded to turn 
his courfe towards it. He approached it the 
next day, and, after a flight conteft with the 
natives, which ended however ipi a cordial 
reconciliation, he took pofleffion of the country, 
with the ufual formalities. 

But it was not until the fourth and laft voy- 
age of Columbus, a voyage undertaken by this 
great navigator, after he had fuffered a feverer 
trial from the bafe ingratitude of the Country 
and Prince in whofe fervice he laboured, than 
from all his paft toils, dangers and inquietudes, 
that he learnt more of Jamaica; which, as it had 
the honour of being firft difcovered by him, 
nine years before, had the ftill greater honour of 


♦ P. Mart/r. F. Columbus. The early Spanifh hiftori- 
ans wrote the word Xaymaca. It is faid to have fignified, in 
the language of the natives, a country abounding in fpringi. 
Columbus having at firft named the Ifland Sl ^ago^ Oldmix- 
on, and fome other writers, erroneoufly fuppole that Jamaica 
wasthe augmentative of James. 

I20 H I S T O R Y b F T tl E 

BOOK affording him fhelter from fhipwrecic, For, on 
J^' , the 24th of June 1 503, being on his return to 
~ ' Hifpaniola from Veragua, he met with fuch 
tempeftuous weather, as compelled ' him, after 
lofing two of his fhips, to bear away in the 
utmoft diftrefs for this Ifland. With great diffi- 
culty, he reached a little harbour on the north 
fide (which to this^ hour bears the name of Don 
Chripophers Cove) where he was forced to run 
aground the two veffels that were left him, to 
prevent their foundering. By this difafter, his 
fhips were damaged beyond the poflibility of re- 
pair, and he had now the melancholy refle<^ioii 
that his miferies and his life would protiably ter-. 
minate together. During the fpace of twelve 
months arid four days, that he remained in this 
wretched fituation, he had new dangers to fur- 
mount, and uuaccuftomed trials for the exercife 
of his fortitude, his people revolted, the Indians 
deferted him, aad the Governor of Hifpaniola 
not only refufed tp relieve, but with monftrous 
and unexampled barbarity, aggravated his mif- 
fortunes by outragip and mockery. AH theie 
occurrences however, together with the dexteri- 
ty with which he ^vailed himfelf of the fuperr 
ftition of the Indians, by the circumftance of 
an eclipfe, and the means whereby his deli- 
verancd was at length effefted, havmg been re? 
counted by a thoufand different hiftorians, need 
nqt be repeated by me. The hardfhips he 
fufered on this occafion, ai^d his Sovereign's 
ingratitude together, proved too mighty for his 
generous fpirit : he funk under them, foon after 
his return to Spain; leaving however a name 
not to be extinguilhed, but with that world 
wliqfe boundaries he ha4 extended *. 


* There is preferved among the Journal? of the Hon. 
Council in Jamaica, a yer/ oM volume in MS. confifling of 



After the death of its illuftrious difcoverer, CHAP, 
' the traafaftious of the Spaniards, during a cen- ^• 


diaries and reports of Gqvernprs, which relate chiefly to the 
proceedings of the army and other tranfadions \n \}\e firft 
mtlement of the Colony. In thi^ book is <o be found the 
tranflatipn of a letter to the King of Spain, faid to be writ- 
ten by Columbus during his confinement on this Ifland. As 
it appears to me tp bear mark^ of authenticity, I fhall pre-' 
fent It tp my readers. It was written probably about eight 
months after the depanure of his meffenger Diego Mendez, 
who had attempted to reach Hifpaniola in an Indian canoe. 
Hearing nothing from him in that interval, Columbus feems 
to have relinquifhed every hope of relief, and to have writ- 
ten this letter in an hour of clefpondency, not as having any 
probable means of fending it to Spain, but on the idea that 
It wpuld be found after his death.-r-It is as folloyrs, 

A letter from Chriftopher Columbus, in Jamaipa, to King 

•* Tamaica, 1504. 
^' Diego Mendes, and the papers J lent by him. will 
fliew your Highnefs what rich mines of gold I have diicover- 
ed in Yeragua, and how I intended to have left my brother 
at the river Belin, if the judgn^ents of Heaven and the great- 
cft misfortunes in the world had not prevented it. Howe\'cr 
it is fufficient that your Highnefs and your fucceflbrsi will 
have the glory and advantage of all, and that the full difco- 
very and fettlcment arc ref^frved for happier perfons than the 
unfortunate Columbus. If God be fo merciful to me as to 
conduft Mendes to Spain, I doubt not but he will convince 
your Highnefs and my great miftrcfs th^t this will not only 
be a Cq/file and Leon^ but a difcovery of a world of fubjefts, 
lands aiid wealth, greater than man's unbounded fancy could 
ever comprehend, or avarice itfelf covet ; but neither he, this 
paper, nor the tongue of mortal man can exprefs the anguifh 
and afflidions of my body and mind; nor the miiery and 
danger* of my fon, brother and friends! Already have we 
been confined ten months in this place, lodged on the open 
decks of our fhips, that are run on fhore ^nd lafhed together; 
thofe of my men that were in health have mutinied under the 
Porras's of Seville, my friends that were faithful are moftly 
fick and dying, we have confumed the Indians' provifions^ fq 
that they abandon us; all therefore are like to perifh by hun- 
ger, and thefe miferies are accompanied with lo many aggra*^ 


BOOK tury and a half, in the fettlement of Jamaica, 
JL have fcarcely obtained the notice of hiftory^ 


vating circamfianccs, that render me the moft wretched pb* 
jeA of misfortune, this world fhall ever fee ^ as if the diiplea** 
fure of Heaven feconded the envy of Spain, and would punifii 
as criminal thofe undertakings and dilcoveries which former 
ages would have acknowledged as mat and meritorious ac« 
tions ! Good Heaven, and you holy iaints that d^eli in it, 
let the King Don Ferdinand and my illuflrious miflrefs Don- 
na Ifabella know, that my zeal for their fervice and intereft 
hathbrouriit me thus low; for it is impofHble to live and 
have afRioions equal to mine. I fee, and with horror ap- 
prehend, my own, and, for my fake, my unfortunate and 
deferving peoples' deftru^ion. Alas, piety and juftice have 
retired to their habitations above, and it is a crime to have 
undertaken and performed too much ! As my mifery makes mj 
life a burthen to myfelf, fo I fear the empty titles of Vice- 
Roy and Admiral, render me obnoxious to die hatred of the 
Spanifh nation. It is vifible that all methods are adopted to 
cut the thread that is breaking; for I am in my old age, op- 
prtfled with infupportable pains of the gout, and am now 
languifhing and expiring with that and other infirmitiesv 
among favages, where I have neither medicines nor provifi* 
ons for the body, prieil nor facrament for the foul. My men 
in a flate of revolt ; my brother, my fon, and thofe that are 
faithful, fick, ftarving and dying; the Indians have aban- 
doned us, and the Governor of Saint Pomingo has fent ra- 
ther to fee if I am dead, than to fuccour us, or carry me 
alive from hence ; for his boat neither delivered a letter, nor 
fi>oke with, nor would receive any letter from us ; fo 1 con- 
clude your Highnefs's officers intend that here my voyages and 
life Ihouki terminate. O bleffed mother of God, that com- 
pafiionates the miferable and opprefled, why did not cruel 
Bovadilla kill me when he robbed me and my brother of our 
dearly-purchafed gold, and fent us to Spain in chains without 
trial, crime or ihadow of mifcondud ? Thefe chs^ins are all 
the treafures I have, and they fhall be buried with me, if I 
chance to have a coffin or grave ; for I would have the re- 
membrance of fo unjuil an a^ion perifh with me, and, for 
the glory of the Soanifti name, be eternally forgotten. Let 
it not bring a furtner infamy on the Cailillian name, nor let 
ages to come know, there were wretches fo vile in this, that 
tmnk to recommend themfelves to your majefty by deftroying 
the unfortunate and miferable Chriftopher Columbus*, not 



Happy indeed it would have been for their na- CHAP. 

tional charafter, if the records of many of their ^ ^^ 

more extenfive enterprifes, during the fame pe- ^ 
riod, were veiled in equal darknefs, or confign- 
ed to evarlafting oblivion : happier ftill, if their 
fplendour had been tranfmitted to pofterity 
tnrough a purer medium, and not, as now, ferv- 
ing chiefly to render vifible the vices and enor- 
mities that furround and debafe them ! 

The few particulars of the progrefs which, by 
diligent feleftion, aided by traditionary memon- 


for his crimes, but for his iervices in difcovering and giving 
Spain a new world. As it was Heaven itfelf that Infpired 
and condudted me to it, the Heavens will weep for me, and 
ihew pity ! I^et the earth, and every foul in it that loves juf- 
tice and tnercy, weep for me ! And you, O glorified Saints of 
God, that know my innocency and fee my fufferings here, 
have mercy ! for though thb pre£ent aee is envious or obdu- 
Tate, furcly thofe that are to come wiU pity me, when they 
are told that Chriftopher Columbus, with his own fortune, 
ran the hazard of his own and his brother's lives, and, with 
little or no expence to the Crown of Spain, in ten years, and 
four voyages, rendered greater fervices than ever mortal man 
did to prince or kingdom, yet was left to perifh, without be- 
ing charged with the leafl crime, in poverty and mifery ; all 
but his cnains beine taken from him ; fo that he* who gave • 
Spain another world, had neither fafety in it, not yet a cot- 
tage for himfelf, nor his wretched family : but, fhould Hea- 
ven ilill perfecute me, and feem difpleafed with what I have 
done, as if the difcovery of this new world may be fatal to 
the old, and as a punifhment bring my life to a period in 
this miferable place, yet do you, good angels, you that fuc- 
cour the oppreffed and innocent, OTing this paper to my great 
miflrefs. She knows how much I have done, and will be- 
lieve what I have fufFered for her glory and fervice, and will 
be fo juil and pious as not to let the children of him that 
has brought to Spain fuch immenfe riches, and added to it 
vail and unknown kingdoms and empires, want bread, or 
fubfiil only on alms. She, if (he lives, will confider that 
cruelty and ingratitude will bring down the wrath of Heaven, 
fo that the wealth I have difcovered, (hall be the means of 
ilirring up all mankind to revenge and rapine, and. the Spa- 
nifh nation fuffer hereafter, for what envious^ maliciow^ iitA 
ungrateful people, do now* 



BOOK als, I have been able to coUeft, I fhall now pre-' 
I^« fent to my readers. 

About feveuteen years had elapfed after the 
Spaniards had firft nxed themfelves in Hifpani- 
ola, before they feem to have entertained any 
ferious defign of fending forth a colony* to pof- 
fefs itfelf of Jamaica. As this ifland produced 
neither gold nor filver, it feems to have been 
negleded as unworthy further notice, and per- 
haps it might have continued a few year$ longer 
the peaceful feat of innocent fimplicity, but for 
the pafe ingratitude of King Ferdinand, towards 
the faipily of Columbus. This great man, ^fter 
hi^ return to Spain in 1504, was compelled to 
employ the clofe of his days in fruitlefs and irk- 
fome folicitation at the court of an unthankful 
and unfeeling monarch; who meanly fuffered 
him to be cruelly defrauded of the rights and 
privileges originallv granted to him; and 
which he had fo aearly and fo nobly earn- 
ed. His fon Diego^ the heir of his fortunes, 
fucceeded to the fame debafing neceffity, till at 
length, wearied out with frivolous and unprince-, 
ly excufes, he inftituted a memorable procefs 
againft his fovereign before the council of the 
indies at Seville ; and this court, with a firm- 
nefs gnd virtue that cannot be fufficiently ap- 
plauded, decided in favour of his pretenfions. 
After a minute and folemn invefligation of his 
claims, the council pronounced him hereditary 
viceroy and high admiral of all the countries and 
iflands difcovered by his father. They decreed, 
that he was invefted with a jurifdidion over 
them fimilar to that of the high admiral of Caf- 
tile; that he was entitled |:o a tenth part of all the 
gold and filver that might thereafter be found in 
thofe territories; and they adjudged him various 
other privileges and immunities, of vaft extent 



and authprky. But the king, notwithftanding CHAP, 
this diftinguifhed and competent recognition of -^• 
his rights, confirmed to him only the title and ~ 
authority of governor and admiral of Hifpaniola; 
and even of this diminiihed command, it is pro- 
bable he would have been deprived, if he had 
not fortunately flrengthened his intereft by an 
ill)iiftrious marriage. The gallant youth, never- 
thelefs, ftill boldly perfifted in his claim to the 
fuU cxercife of all the rights and authority, 
which had been fo recently decreed to belong to 
him; and fliortly afterwards, accompanied by a 
numerous and fplendid retinue, embarked for 
his government, refolved to enforce his preten- 

He arrived in Hifpaniola in the month of July 
1508, but had very foon the mortification to dil- 
cover that the king had adually in veiled in two 
other perfons (Alonzo de Ojeda and Diego de 
Nicuefla). not only two feparate and diftin6l go- 
vernments, which comprehended all the conti- 
jaent as far ^s it had been difcovered by Chrif- 
topher Columbus, but had alfo included: the 
ifland of Jamaica, ^s a joint appendage to, and 
j)lace of refrelhment within, the jurifdidlion of 
each, Thefe appointments Piego Columbus con- 
fidered as a manifeft violation of his own rights, 
and ftrenuoufly contended for the exclufive pri- 
vil^e of nominating, in particular, to the go- 
vernments of Veragua and Jamaica, the prior 
difcovery of both thofe countries by his father 
being a cjrcumftance of univerfal notoriety. To 
fecure his claim to Jamaica, in the month of 
November 1509, he fcnt thither Juan de Efqui- 
vel, with about ^ feventy men. Efquivel had ac- 
<juired the reputatioii of a gallant loldier, and it 
is ftill more to his honour, that he was one of 
the very few Caftillians, who, amidft all the hor- 

126 HI ST O R Y O F THE 

BOOK rors of bloodfhed and infeftious rapine, were 
I^* diftinguilhed for generofity and humanity. An 
eminent inftance of his greatnefs of mind is thus 
recorded by Herrera. — —About the time that he 
failed from Hifpaniola to take poffeffion of his 
new government of Jamaica, his competitor 
Gjeda was on his departure to the continent. 
Ojeda violently oppofed the intended expedition 
of Efquivel, and publicly threatened that if he ^ 
Ihouldf find him at Jamaica, on his return from 
the continent, he would hang him up as a rebel. 
It happened that Ojeda's voyage was unfortunate 
in the higheft degree ; for after fuftaining a feries 
of calamities altogether without example, he was 
fhipwrecked on the Coaft of Cuba, and was in 
danger of miferablv^periihirig for want of food. 
In his diftrefshe called to mind that Efquivel was 
in Jamaica, and he Was now reduced to the fad ex- 
tremity of imploring fuccour from the Very hlan 
whofe deftru^ion he had meditated; but the 
magnanimous Efquivel was no fooner made ac- 
<iuainted with the fufferings of his enemy^ tfhan 
he forgot all his refentment. He immediately 
fent over to Cuba, Pedro de Narve^y an officet 
of rank, to conduft Ojeda to Jamaica. Efquivel 
received him with the tendered fympathy, and 
treated him during his flay with every poflible 
mark of diflinftion and refpeft, and provided him 
with the means of a fpeedv and fafe conveyance 
to Hifpaniola. It is pleafing to add, that Ojeda 
was not ungrateful to his benefaftor. 

Under fuch a man it is feafonable to fuppofe 
that the yoke of fubjeftion fat light aria eafy 
on the natives of Jamaica, and that the ravages 
of conqueft were reftrained within the limits of 
humanity. Accordingly, the Spanifh hiftorians 
bear the mofl honourable teflimony to his vir- 
luous and gentle adminiflration. — ** The affairs 


W E 8 T I N D I E S. 127 

** of Jamaica (fay6 Herrera) went on profperouf- CHAP. 
** ly, becaufe Juan de Efquivel having brought I. 
" the natives to fubmiffion without any effufian ' 
" of bloody they laboured in planting cotton, and 
" raifing other commodities which yielded great 
" profit," This praii'e is the more valuable be- 
caufe it is almoft peculiar to Efauivel, who alone 
feems to have been fenfible ot the abominable 
wickednefs of vifiting diftant lands only to defo- 
late them ; and of converting the Indians to 
Chriftianity by cutting their throats. How many 
noble qualities, in fome of his cotemporaries, 
were tamiftied by cruehy and rapine, or unhap- 
pily blended with a mifguided and frantic zeal 
for religion, that rendered their pofTeiTors (till 
more remorlelefs and fav^e ! 

Efquivel continued in his ofiice but a few 
years. He died in his government, and was bu- 
tied at Sevilla Nueva, a town which he had 
founded . He was. probably fucceeded by gpver- 
nors of a far different chara<fter, who, it is to be 
feared, foon began to fpread among the wretched 
natives the fame horrible carnage that was now 
defolating Hifpaniola. It appears that Francis 
de Garay held the chief command in 1523, fince 
in that year befitted out an expedition from this 
ifland tor the conqueft of Panuco, a territory 
which Gortes, unknown to Garay, had already 
annexed to the Spanifh dominion. In this ex- 
pedition were employed nine Ihips and two bri- 
gantines, and there were embarked in it 850 Spa- 
niards, and a confiderable body of Jamaica In- 
dians, and 144 horfes. Such a force, if colle£led 
chiefly within the ifland, proves that a great pro- 
grefs had been made in its fettlement and popu- 
lation during the thirteen years that the Spa- 
niards had been in poflfefiion of it. As Efquivel 


11? H I ST O R Y O F TH E 

BOOK ^^^ cftabliftied the feat of government near to 
II. the fpot which h^d been honoured by the refi- 
Mencc of Columbus after his Ihipwreck in 1503, 
it may be prefumed that the town of Sevilla 
Nueva was now become of fome confideration. 
This town, as we are informed by Herrera> 
was founded on the fcite of an ancient Indian 
village, called Maima *, and near to the port 
named by Coluitibus Santa Gloria (now St. 
Ann's Harbour) and the daily acceflion. of new 
inhabitants would naturally extend the boun^ 
daries of the caplital, till tlie pide, village, cour 
fifting at firft of a few temporary huts, muft 
have increafed. to a place of importance. Re- 
Ijgipn too^ in air the Spanifh territories, very 
loon forced architefture into her fervice ; for, 
by a lamentable inconfiftency in the human 
mind, th^fe deftroyers of their fellow creatures 
were wonderfully exa<ft in the obfervance of 
all the outyvard ceremonies of divine worfliip. 
With hands, yetreekipg in the blood of mur- 
dered innocence, they could eredl temples to 
the Almighty, and implore that mercy from 
Heaven, which they had juft denied to the mi- 
ferable viftims of their cruelty and rapine. 
Among other coflly buildings a cathedral and 
monaftery were defignod, and the foundations 
of both were vifible not long ago, as npiaay of 
the ruins are at this day. Peter Martyr of An- 
gleria, the author of the Decades, being appoint- 
ed abbot and chief miflionary of the ifland. A 
fort was alfo erefted, the remains of which, as 
. / well 

* ^tnjt Mamee. There is a bay a little to tKe caftward, 
•^liich is called at this hour Mamee Bay, The ground on which 
Sevilla Nueva was built, is il6w chiefly the property of .Mr. 
Heming, who has a large jGugar plantation thereon* It is cal- 
M Seville Plantation ; and the ruins of the ancient town are 
ilill viiible in fome of the cane-fieldi. 


well as of the cathedral, were infpefted by CHAP, 
Sloane, in 1688, who relates, that a pavement I- 
was difcovered at the diftance of two miles from ' 
the church ; a circumftance that may give us 
fome idea of the extent of the city in the days 
of its profperity. The weft gate of the cathe- 
dral ftood entire in 1688, and difplayed, in 
the judgment of Sloane, veiy excellent work- 
ipanihip ; but it was his opinion that the build- 
ing was never compleated; for he obferved fe- 
veral arched ftones that muft have been de- 
figned for it, which apparently had never been 
put up *. He likewife difcovered, in the fame 
condition^ materials for a capital maniion, pro- 
bably intended for the palace of the governor. 
From thefe circumftances, the tradition which 
ftill prevails in the ifland, that the Spanifh in- 
habitants of Seville were at fonje period, in 
their wars with the natives, entirely and fud- 
denly cut off, is probably founded in truth. 
Sloane, indeed, relates; that fome of the Spanifh 
planters, who had retired to Cuba, afligned very 
difTerent reafons for the defertion of this part 
of the country, alledging, that a vifiution of 
innumerable .ants^ had; deftroyed all their pro- 
vifioil grounds, and that the fituation of the 
capital was ill adapted for the purpofes of their 
Vol.* L K commerce. 

• " Over the door (of the weft gate) was a carving of our . 
Saviour's head with a crown of thorns between two angels ; 
on the riffht fide a fmall round figure of fome faint, with a 
knife Jluck Into his head. On the left a Virgin ^lary or Mado- 
m, her arm tied in three places, Spanifh fafhion. Over the 
gate, under a coat of arms, this infcription. 

Petnis, Martir. Ab. Angleria. Italus. Civis Mediolanen. Pro- 
thon. Apos. Hujus. Infulc. Abbas. Senatus. Indici.Xon- 
filiarius. Ligneam. Primus. -5£(Icm. Hanc. Bis. Igne. Con- 
fumptam. Latericio. Et. Qu?clrrtio. Lapide. Primus. A. 
Fundamends. Eiruxit." 


t30 H 1 S T R Y O F T H E 

B O O K commerce^ Thcfe reafons might poifibly have 
IL operated agaiaft the re-eftablifhment of the place ; 
but were not/ 1 think, of fufBcient efficacy to 
mdutea whole body of people, the inhabitants 
of a growing capital, fuddenly to remove their 
families and effeds, and voluntarily fubmit to 
the labour of building an entire new town, in 
a very diftant and wholly uncultivated part of 
the country. It is oertam that the town of Se* 
ville was not fuffered to fall gradually to de- 
cay ; but was depopulated while it was yet in 
an uniinifhed ftate, many years before the eon« 
c^ueft of the Ifland by tne Englifh *. Neither 
(if this tradition of the cauftrophe were true) 
could a juft account be expeAed from the de- 
fcendants of men, who defervedly brought de- 
ftruAion on themfelves; fince the recital of 
their fatie would again have brought the deeds 
alfo of their anceftors to remembrance, and 
they were deeds of darknefs, too mournful to 
contemplate, too dreadful to be told ! 

Both ancient tradition, and recent difcove- 
ries give toa much room to believe that the work 
of deftruAion proceeded not lefs rapidly in this 
Ifland, after Efquivel's death, than in Hifpani* 
ola; for to this day caves are frequently aifco- 
vered in the mountains, wherein tne ground is 
covered, almoft entirely, with human bones ; 
the miferable remains, without all doubt, of fome 
ofthe unfortunate aborigines, who, immured in 


* Se6 the account of Jamaka tranikkted to Crom^vdl bf 
general Venables, preferved in Tlmrloe's ftate papers, voL iii. 
p* 545- 1wher«in he fpeak» of Seville as a town that had ex* 
il'ted in times /^. And Sloane relates that when the Englifh 
took the ifland, the ruins of this city were overgrown with 
wood and turned black with age. He faw timber trees grow- 
ing within the walls of the cathedral, upwards of fixt/ feet 
in height. Sloane Hift* Jamaica^ voL x« p. 66« 

VE ST I NI>1E S. . iSt 

thofe rcctfles^ weife probably reduced to the fad CHAP. 
altenxativeofperifiung with hunger, or of bleed- I- 
ing under the fwords of their mercilefa inva- ^ 
dcrs * ! When therefeorc we are told of the fate 
#f the Spantlh inhabiuata of Seville;, it is im« 
poflible ta £eel any other emotion than an iA^ 
dignant wiih that theftory were better authen<» 
ticaied^ and that Heaven in mercy had permitted 
the poor Indians in the fame moment to have 
extirpated their oppreflbrs altogether ! But un« 
happily tlus faint glimmeriiig of returning light 
to the wretched natives, was foon loft in ever-^ 
laftis^ darknefs^ fince it pleafed the Almighty^ 
&r reafons mforutable ta finite wifdon^ to per« 
mif the total deftru&ioa of this devoted peo- 
ple 'f vbOy to the number of 6o^oooy on the moft 
moderate eftimate^ were at length wholly cut 
dff anxi extermkuited by the Spaniards^ not a 
fix^e defcendanty of either fezy being alive 
when the BnglMh took the iflandin i655» nor»i 
I believe^ for a century before f. ' 

The lofs of Seville was probably followed by' 
tkad c( MeUllav a fiaaU village ^luated about 
elev«i leagues to the eaftward^ (fome (ay at the: 
haibour now caMed Port Maria)and the cataf- 
trophe which attended thefe places is fiippofed 
to have caufed the eftablifliment of the capital 
of St. |ago de ]m Vega, or, as it is now called^ 
Spanifli Town. 

. Of the pteeife Bsn of thefe evemi^ it is now 
perhaps uiclefii to inquire ; but if conjecture may 

K z be 

* It is difcovered hy die ikull9» which are preternaturallf 
comprefled, that thefe are the (keletons of the Indiana. 

f There is faid to exift on the fouth f^de of the ifland of 
Cuba, at this- day, a fmall remoaat of the ancient Indiana^ 
T^M/refidria a Uttifi town near St. Jago deCuba, called^ 
IwMtee^ aadhafa adopted tk« manners aiod languafa of ihf 


BOO K be'aAloATed, I fhould fix oo the year. 1523/ inP 
IL mediatel)^ after the departure of the force un- 
der Garay ; and if the new capital was really 
founded by Diego Columbus, as tradition ce-^ 
ports, and which there feeois no good reafaa 
to difpute, the qonje&ure is ftrongly confirmed ; 
for be embarked for Spain in difcontent in 15x7; 
Returned to his government with fiiUer: |xsv^ 
4t& in 1520, and died in his: native countty^iir 
the latter end of 1525 or the beginning of T526 ^ 
and it was certainly after his arrival the b^ 
time in Hifpaniola, that he laid, or caufed. to* 
be laid, ^e foundation of &u Jago de la Vega. 
- The new city encreafed rapidly, and in. 1545 
(twenty years after thedeath of its founder) it 
had the honour of giving^ the title of Marquis 
to hiy foa and heir, who recav^d at the iame^ 
time from the emperor Charles V« a gram 6£ 
the whole iilafidin perpetual (bvereignty^ as an! 
hereditary fief of the crown :of Caftile. r.. v 
As this is an important oKrumfbrnce in* the! 
hidory of this ifknd^ and feems not to have 
been pecfedly underftood by:: an^t of the £ng^: 
lifh hiftorians who have created xrf'^e a£birs> 
of Jamaica^ I prefume th^t a more copious de-: 
duftiqn and explapiation of it, will not be un- ■ 
atceptable: * r • ; 

Diego Columbus left ifToe tliree Jons aiid tn^'^t^ 
daughters. Hiseldeft fon, Don Lewis, fuccebded: 
ta hisr father's honours and extenfive claims. 
Of the daughters, the eldefl, IfabeUa, afterwards : 
intermarried with the count de Gelvez, a Por- 
tuguefe nobleman of the houfe of Braganza. 
Lewis Columbus was an infant of fix years of 
age on the death of his* father ; but was gene- 
rally confidered as hereditary vice-roy, and highr^ 
admiral of the Wefl Indies* The emperor hogw- 
eVer, though he treated him with Angular dif- ^ 

' tin^ion^ 

WEST I ND r 15.3. I .133 

tindUon, and confiderably ^ugmeut^d Jiis feve- <?H A, P. 
nues, as he grew to maubood, abfolutely refufed J- 
to admit hU claim to fuch extenfive authority, ' 
aud Lewis, as his minority expired, inftituted, 
after his father's example, a legal proccfs for th^ 
recovery of hi^ birthright. It does oot appear 
that hi# fait ever came to a legal iffu^ ; for, in 
the year 1545, he found it prudent to accede to 
a compromife with the emperor, whereby he 
transferred all his hereditary rights to the crown, 
for a grant of the province of Veragua and the 
ifland of Jamaica, with the title of duke de Vera- 
jgua and marquis de la Vega. What might have 
been the precife extent and nature of this grant, 
ive have not information fufficient to enable us 
to judge. Whatever it was, he left no iflue to 
enjoy it; and his brother^ alfo dyija^ without 
male iffue, his fiftcr Ifabella, wife of the count 
de Gelvez, became fole heirefs of the Columbus 
family, and conveyed by her marriage all her 
rights to the houfe of Braganza, where they con- 
tinued, I believe, till the year 1640, ana then 
reverted back by forfeiture to the crown of Spaiij, 
in confequence of the revolution which placed 
John duke of Braganza on the throne of Portu- 
gal. . 

Sir Hans Sloane therefore, in aflerting that a 
duke de Veragua enjoyed a yearly revenue from 
Jamaica, at the time the illand furrendered tp 
the Englifti in 1655, mull have been niifinform- 
icd ; as he clearly is in fuppofing that the family 
of Columbus were at that time proprietors of the 
ifland, and had fo continued from the days of 
Ferdinand and Ifabella, 

But there is a circumftance recorded by Blom^, 
and confirmed by the ftate papers of Thurloe, 
for which the relation I have given fufficiently 
m^^onnty. I mean the eftablifhment in Jamaica 




BOOK of many Portugucfc fiimilics. The transfer bf 
3l If^bclla's inheritance to the houfe of Br aganza, 
' might have encouraged many of the Portuguefe 
to fix their fortunes in the newly acquired 
colony, and it is equally probable that the fame 
event would excite jealoufy in the old 8pani{h 
fettlers towards their new vifitors. Blome adds 
that the Portuguefe were abhorred. 

Such mutual diftnift of and irreconcileable 
averfion among the inhabitants towards each 
other, was perhaps the caufe that Sir Anthony 
Shirley met with fo little refiftance when he 
invaded the ifland in 1596, and plundered the 
capital. About forty year« afterwards it was 
again invaded by a force from the Windward 
iilands under colonel Jackfon. It is faid 
however^ that on this occafion the inhabitaats 
behaved with great gallantry in a pitched battle 
at Paffage Fort; but being overpowered, Jack* 
fon, after lofing forty men, entered St. Jago 
de la Vega fword in hand, and, having pillaged 
it of every thing valuable, received a confidera- 
ble ranfom for fparing the houfes. He then 
retreated to his (hips, and carried off his booty 
without interruption. 

From this period, until the capture of the 
ifland by the Englifti in 1655, during the ufur- 
pation of Cromwell, I kno\i>^ nothing of its con* 
cerns, nor perhaps were they produftive of any 
event deferving remembrance, I (hall therefore 
proceed in the next chapter, to the confideration 
of the Proteftor's motives for attacking the terri- 
tories of Spain at a time when treaties of peace 
fubfifted between the two nations; which I 
conceive have hitherto been greatly mifunder- 
flood, or wilfully mifreprefcnted, by hiftorians 
in general 




CHAP. n. 

Crofnwell vindicated for attacking the Spaniardi 
in 1655. — Their cruelties in the Wejl Indies^ 
in contravention of the treaty of 1630,— Prp* 
pofah offered by Modyford and Gage.^^Forcible 
arguments of the latter. — Secretary Thurioe*s 
account of a conference with the opanijb Am* 
bajfador. — CromwelPs demand of fatisfaS ion re^ 
je&td.-^State of Jamaica mi its capture. 

HERE it no portion of tbe Englifh annaU, 
in the perufal of which gpretter caution is requi- 
fite than the hiftorv of the adminiftration of the 
protestor Cromwell. The prejudices of party, 
which in common cafes are loft in the current 
of time, have floated down to us in full ftrength 
againft this profperous ufurper; and his ac« 
tiens, from the period that he reached the 
fummit of power, are ftill fcrutinized with 
induftrious malignity, as if it were imppflible 
that, authority irr^larly acquired, could be 
cxercifed with juftice. 

It is not ftrange therefore that the vigorous 
proceedings of the proteAor againft the Spanifti 
nation, in 1655, ihould have been obnoxious to 
cenfnre, or that writers of very oppofite poli* 
tical principles fliould concur in mifreprefentinK 
his eondna on that occafidn. The celebrated 
female republican * terms it *^ difhonourable and 
pimiicd,^ and the connly and elegant apologift 




BOOK of the Stewart family*, pronounces it a moft 
^^- unwarrantable violation of treaty. 

The publication of the (late papers of Thur- 
loe (the Secretary) ought, however, to have 
mitigated this weight of cenfure. In truth, it 
will be found that nothing but a moft difingenu- 
ous concealment of the hoftile proceedings of 
the Spaniards, too grofs to be palliated, towards 
the fubjefts of England, can give even the 
colour of plaufibility to the charge which has 
been brought againft Cromwell^ of having com- 
menced an unjuft and ruinous war, againft a 
friend and ally, contrary to the intereft of the 
nation, and in violation of the faith of treaties. 
If the power which is vefted in the executive 
magiftrate, by whatever name he be diftinguilji- 
cd, be held for the protection and fecurity of 
the religion, liberties and properties of the peo- 
ple under his government, the meafures adopted 
by the proteftor on that occafion were not mere- 
ly juftifiable; they were highly neceflary, and 
even meritorious; for the conduft of Spain, 
efpecially in America, was the declaratioti and 
exercife of war againft the whole human race. 
I f[iall adduce a few remarkable fa^s to fupport 
this aflertion. The fubjedl is curious in itfelf, 
and, in fome refpefts, will be new to th^ 

I'he lateft treaty which had been made be- 
rweeu England and Spain, previous to th© 
airuniption of the proteftorate by Cromwell, was 
concluded in the year 1630; by the firft article 
of which it was ftipulated, that there ftiould b^ 
peace, amity, and friendlhip between the two 
crowns and their, refpediive fiibjeAs in all parts 
of the %vorld. . Before this period, the fovereigns 


* payid Humcr— Hiftory of Qreat Britain. 


of Spain had not only encouraged, hut openly CHAP; 
avowed, the exercife of perpetual hoftility on li- 
the (hips and fubjefts of all the nations ot Eur 
rope, that were or might be found in any part 
of the new hemifphere; arrogantly afluming 
to themfelves a right not only to all the ter- 
ritories which their own fubjefts had difcovered 
there, but claiming alfo the fole and exclufive 
privilege of navigating the American feas *. 
• Pretenfions fo exorbitant, which violated alike 
the laws of nature and nations, were refifted by 
every maritime ftate that felt itfelf concerned in 
the iffue : by the Englifti particularly, who had 
already planted colonies in Virginia, Bermudas, 


• In the reign of James I. within two yean after the 
conclulion of a peace between England and Spain, which 
faved the Spanifh monarchy from abfolute deftrudHon, Sir 
Charles Cornwall is, in a letter dated from Madrid in Maj 
1606, informs the Earl of Saliibury that Don Lewis Firardo, 
a Spanifh admiral, having met with certain Engiifh /hips 
laden with corn and bound to Seville, " took the mailers, 
and firil fet their necks in the flocks. He afterwards remov- 
ed them into his own fhip, and there with his own hand| did 
as miich to their legs ; reviling them, and calling them here* 
tics, Lutheran dogs, and enemies of Chrifl, threatening to 
hang them; and in conclufion robbed them of what he thought 

fit." See Win wood, vol. ii. p. 143. It appears by fubfe- 

quent letters preferved in the lame colle<5lion, that Cornwall's 
complaining to the Duke of Lerma, the minifler of Spain, 
of Firardo's condud, particularly in fending to the ^allies 
ibme Engiifh mariners whom he had made prifoners m the 
Weft Indies, was told by that minifler " that Firardo fhould 
be called to account, not (adds the Duke) for fending the 
men to the gall ies, h\xt fornot having hanged them up^ as he 
0Ught to have done,^* Sir Walter Raleigh, fome time after- 
wards, in a letter to king James, fpeaks of it as a well-known 
fid, that the Spaniards, in another indance, had murdered 
twenty-fi:t Englifhmen, tying them back to back and then 
cutting their throats, even after they had traded with them a 
whole month, and when the Engiifh went afhore in full con* 
fidence, and without fo much as one fword among them. See 
JUieigh'i Works by Birch, vol. ii. p. 376. 

1st HISTO RT OF Tfi£ 

BOOK St. Chriftopher's and Barbadoes ; territories feme 
II. of whkh Spain had not even difcoirered, and 
' none of which had ihe ever pccupied. Thus 
aAual war, and war in all its horrors, prevailed 
between the fubjedU of Spain in the hew worlds 
andthofe of the feveral other nations who ven« 
lured thither, while at the fame time, peace 
apparently fubfifted between the parent ftates ia 

To fecnre to the EnglUh an uninterrupted in« 
tercourfe with their fettlements above mentioned, 
was one ereat objcSt of the treaty of 1650. It 
feems indeed to have been more immediately 
founded on a remarkable inftance of Sjpanim 
perfidy, which had recently happened m the 
ifland of St. Chriftopher ; for the court of Spain 
having towards the latter end of the year 1629, 
fitted out a fleet of twenty-four ihips of force, 
and fifteen frigates, under the command of Don 
Frederic de Toledo, oftenfibly to attack the 
Dutch fettlement in Brafil, fecretly ordered the 
admiral to proceed in the firft place to the ifland 
I have mentioned (which, suthough the Spa- 
niards had indeed nrft discovered it 130 years 
before, they had never once occupied) and rout 
out from thence both the Englim and French, 
who at that time held a joint and peaceable poC« 

Neither the French, nor Englifli, nor both 
together. Were ftrong enough to oppofe fucb 
gn enemy* The French planters took refuge 
in the neighbouring ifland of Antego, and the 
. ^nglifli fled to the mountains ; from whence 
they feat deputies to treat for a furrender ; but 
the haughty Spaniard required and obtained un- 
conditional fubmiflion ; and, having feledled out 
of the Englifli fettlers fix hundred of the ableft 
Tpco, whom be condemned to the mines, h* 



^ W £ S T I M D I £ S. iSt 

ordered all the reft (coaliftiag chiefly of Womea CH AP« 
aad children) inftandy to quit the iflaod, iu fome ^ 
Enfflifh veffels which he had feizcd at Ncvia,"* 
under pain of deaths He then laid wafte all the 
fettlements within his reach, wd, having xc^ 
dueed the country to a delart^ pxooeeded on his 

It might be fu|^pofcd that the treaty of ,1630, 
prevented fuch enormities in future; but, in 
violation of all that is folemn ,and facr^ among 
Chnftian dates, and to the difgrace of human 
nature, the Spaniards, eight yea^ only after the 
afiair of St. Chriftopher's attacked a fmall 
Englifh colony which had taken poffefiion of the 
little unoccupied liland of Tortuga, and put 
every man, woman, and child to the fword: 
they even hanged up fuch as came in and 
furrendered themfelves, on the promife of 
mercy, after the firft attack. 

The unhajppy monarch at that dme on the 
throne of England, was too deeply engaged in 
contefts with his fubjeds at home, to be able 
to ^ord protection to his colonifts abroad; 
and thofe contefts terminating at length in a 
civil war, the Spaniards proceeded in the fame 
career with impunity; treating all the Britilh 
fubjedls, whom they found in the Weft Indies, 
as intruders and pirates. » In the year 1635, the 
Englifli and Dutch had jointly taken pofieffion 
of Sant^ Cruz, which at that time was wholly 
unpeopled and deferted. Difputes arifing b^ 
tween the new fettlers, the Englifh took arms and 
became fole mafters of the Ifland. In 1650 the 
Spaniards landed there, and, without the 
fmalleft provocation, exterminated cverjr inha- 
bitsmt that fell into their hands, murdering, as 
at Tortuga, even the women and children. As 
wfual with this revengeful nation, they conquer^ 


^ — — *^ 



BOdK edbOftodefolate; for, having deftroyed all the 
II- peoplis; they could feize, they laid wafte and 
then deferted the Ifland, and when fome of the 
Dutch nation, in confequence of fuch defertion, 
took poileilion a fecond time, the Spaniards 
returned and treated them as they had treated 

• Of their cruelties towards the fubjeds of 
foreign ftates, even fuch as were forced on their 
coafts in diftrefs, the inftances were without 
number. Their treatment of the failors was as . 
barbarous and inhuman, as their pretences 
for feizing them were commonly groundlefs 
and imjuft. The very mercies of the Spa- 
niards were cruel ; for if, in fome few inftances, 
they forbore to inflidl immediate death on their 
prisoners, they fentenced them to a worfe 
puniihment ; condemning them to work in the 
mines of Mexico for life*. 

It is evident, from the fchemes and propo- 
fals for attacking the Spaniards, which were pre- 
fented to Cromwell on his elevation to the pro- 


* The Spaniards, after the death of Cromwell, revive^ 
thefe practices, and continued them to our own times. About 
the year 1680, they landed on the Ifland of Providence, one 
of the Bahamas, and totally deftroyed the Englifh fettiement 
there. The governor (Mr. Clark) they took with them to 
Cuba, in irons, and put him to death by torture. Oldmixon. 
who wrote ** The Bntifh empire in America," wa^ informed 
by Mr. Trott, one of Governor Clark's fucceffors, that the 
Spaniards roaiied Clark on a fpit. The infolence and bru* 
•tality of the commanders of the Spaniih guarda-coftas in the 
days of Walpole, are remembered by many perfons now 
living-, and perhaps there are thofe alive who were prefent 
when Captain Jenkins ^ave that remarkable- evidence to the 
houfe of commons, which it would be thought might hav^ 
'animated every Britilh heart to infill on exemplary vengeance. / 
The cafe v/as this: — ^A Spaniih commander, after rummaging 
this mail's v^flel for what he called contraband goods, withoi;t 



ti^Aorat^itlMtt ^he EnglLQv, in- general, had a deep CHAP. 
4nd juft fenfc of the wrongs which they fuftaia- ^l- 
ed from the. bigotry, avarice and cruelty of the ' 
Spaniih nation. — ^\Ve may furely conclude that 
applications of lucKa nature could not have been 
made tp the fupreme executive magiflrate, with^ 
QUt liny pretence of injury received. To fupw 
pofe t;bat a body of the fubjefts of any civilized 
ItatCi or th^t even any individual of found mind, 
would introduce into the national councils, and 
prefumc^ tpJColicit a violation of the pnblip faith,^ 
a^d tjhe commencement of hoftilities towards a 
ppwerful ilate and ^n ally, without anj)^ provoca-^ 
tjon, is to fuppofe a cafe which I beli^v« nev^r 
d}d occur in hifto^y, and which indeed it feeiii^ 
neJKt to impoilible i^ould happen. Among otheey 
perfons who^prefented memorials on this occa- 
fen,"^i thejnanjes of Colonel Modyford. 
ai^d Thpinas, Gage.; The fomier was one of the: 
eirlijeftand moft enterprifing planters of Barba-; 
does;; and Q^e h^d refided twelve ye^rs in^Nfw 
Spain in prieft's orders* He was brother of Sir- 
Henry G«^ft; pn.e of the Generals under Charles 
I. rfysad appears to have been a man of capaci-; 
ty ani|gxiei\fiye obfetvation. , 

AndiDB aof, put Jenkins to the torture, and aftesw^i'ds, 
wjlhout iKd fpia'llcll provocation, cut off one df his ears, 
teffiug^^iih t6 carry kto the king of England his mafi 
ter. Jenki:hi rhiid pre^rved the earinLa bMle, which be* 
4^pla3^to-^t]^e Houfe <^ Con^nipnSk • Bjtin? aflced bj oi^«of 
the member,', >Avhat he thpught or expected- While in. the h\nds, 
of fuch abarbatian? ** 1 recohimended (he repliecf) my foul, 
ta <5od, and my caufe to my country." The court membei-s, 
wfio^ were^verfe taa war ^i^ Spkio,. hung down their hsads,' 
stallfQWCof th^ni freaked out ot:the;h;eufc.. ; . ^ >.. : 
See Tdrbuci;* Parliamentary Debates, voL ix^ p^ 41 ^ , 

. * ThMT Sir Henry Gage ^ ^as^ killed at the bat^e of* 
Culham-jbridtge, Jn jl6/\a^ )i^ was aiiceftor of the late Ge- 
neral Gaj^^, b]f"v^h6ni I Ws fi\*'oifred' with this accdutit of 
Thomas Gage. * 


B O tt In his memorial, which is preierved among the 
11. ftate papers of Thurloe, he enters fully intoajafti*- 
^ fication of the meafores which he recommends. 
** No9&e in confcience (he obfervcs) may better 
attempt fach an expulfidn of the Spwiards from 
thofe parts, than the £ngliih> who haTe been of- 
ten expelled by them from our plantations ; as 
from St- Chriffapher*s> St- Martinis, from Pro^ 
Tidem:e and from Tortugas, where the Bngli& 
were inhumanly and moft barbaroudy treated h^ 
the Spaniards, who to this day watch for their 
befi advantage to caft us out oi all our pi^tati^ 
ons, and (ky thi^ all the iflands as well as th€ 
main belong to them. And in confcience h i^ 
lawful ta caft that enemy or troublefeme neigh^ 
bour ou« of his dominions^ that would; and hath 
attempted to cd& us out of our8«^--^He then frth 
ceeds to demonftrate that it is not a work of dif- 
ficulty to diAodge the S^niards from' fome of 
their moft TahiaMe poffemons, and r^cKMmbenfdd 
the firft attack to be made on Hif^paniola w Cuba ; 
the former, he obferves, "was the Spaniards^ firft 
plantation, and therefore it would be tathem a 
bad omen to begin to loTe that, which they firft 
enjoyed.'' " This ifland (he adds) is^ n4t ontf 
cjuarter of it inhabited, and fo the more eafy to 
take.**— Gage, fome years before, had publimed 
a book, which is now before me; entitled •^A 
new furvey of the Weftlndies," It contains 
mudiciinoiis informatiogi refpe&ing the flate o£ 
Spaniih America^ at the time that he refided 
there. In the dedication to Fairfax, General of 
the parliament's forces, he combats, with great 
fbrea^th of reafosing, the pretenfions of the Spa* 
nifh Crown to an exdufive right to the countries^ 
of the New World : " I know of no title," he ob- 
fervcs, •' that the Spaniard hath (the Pope'idona- 
^ tion excepted) but force,, which by the fame 
a " title 

W £ S T I N D I E S; t4f 

*♦ tide may be repelled,— And as to ihcjlfft iij^ CHAF. 
• cwery^ to me it feems as little reafon, that the ^ 
** iailii^ofaSpaniili Ihip upon the coaftofln*"^ 
<^ diaj would entitle the king of Spain to tha& 
** country, as the failing of an Indian or Engliih 
<^ ihip upon the coaft of S^ain, fliould entitle ei^ 
^ ther the Indians or Enghih unto the dominion 
** thereof, ^o queftion but the juft right or ti^^ 
*^ tie to thofe countries^ appertains to the na« 
^^ tives themfelves ; who, Utheyfliouldwillingw 
^ ly and freely invite the bigUih to their pro- 
'^ le^on, what title foever they hare in them^ 
^ no doubt but they mav legidly transfier to 
'^ others. But, to end aU oifpute&of this nature^ 
<< fince God hath given the earth to the fons of 
^ men to inhabit, and that there are many vaft . 
^ eouniricA in thofe parts not j^ct inhabited, ei^ 
*^ iher by Spaniard or Indian, why flioald my 
^ countrymen, the Engliih, be debarred firom 
«« making ixfe of that, which Go4 from all be^ 
'< ginning, did ordain for the benefit of nuu^ 
*^ kind ?'* 

Theie, or fimilar arguments, and a long lift oC 
Spaniih depredations on the fubje^ ofRngfanrf, 
BUtde witnout doubt a deep impreffion on the 
mind of Cromwell. , It appears indeed that the 
court of Spain, confdous of having merited the 
fevcreil vengeance, forefaw an impendiiq;^ ftorm, 
and endeavoured to avert it. We are told b^ 
Thurloe, that Cardenas the ambai&dor, inapn<* 
vate audience, congratulated the proteAor on 
his elevation to the government, ^^aiTuring him 
of the true and coniutnt friendihip of his mailer, 
either in the condition he then ilood, or that if 
he would go a ilep further, and uke upon him 
the crown, his mailer would venture the crown 
of Spain to defend him in it." Thefe general 
difcourfes came afterwards to particular propofi-^ 


Y44 H IS T O R-Y: O F T H fi 

BO OX iions; which Cromwell received with a coldaef^ 
II. that alarmed the ambaffador; who then defired 
that former treaties of alliance between the two* 
kingdoms might be renewed, as the lirft ftep to- 
wards a Hearer union. It does not appear that 
Cromwell had any objeftion to this propofition* 
That he fought to involve the nation in an un- 
provoked and unneceflary war with Spain, or, as 
Ludlow exprefles it, that *^ he meant to engage 
thofe men in diftant fervjces, who otherwife were 
ready to join in any party againil him at home,'* 
thoughit has been confidently alTerted, has been 
aflerted againft dear and fubftantial evidence. He 
<femanded, it is true, fatisfa&ion for pail, and fecu- 
jdtyagainftfuture4njuries ; and he appointed com- 
miifionera to treat wkh ike Spii^iih ambafiadoi^ 
thereupon; with whom fevteral conferences were 
Ijdd, chiefly^ fay^ Thurloe, on the right inter- 
preutioaoi the treaty of 1630* — ^The refult of 
thdfe conferences, which I (hall give in Thurioe's 
awn* words, affords to full and clear a juflificati- 
on of the proteftor's fubfequent proceedings, that 
iM> excuie can be offered for thofe Uftonans by 
whom this evidence has been wilfully fuppreffed. 
. The chief difficulties (obferves Thtirloe) were 
the following, " ift, touching the Weft Indies, 
^ the debate whereof was occafioned upon> the 
" firft article of the aforefaid treaty of 1630, 
*f whereby it ii agreed, that there ihould be 
^* peace, amity, and friendfhip between the two 
^. kings and their refpe^ive fubjeds in all parts 
♦^ of the world, as well in Europe as elfewhere. 
" Upon this it was ftiewn, that in contravention 
•^ of this article, the Engliih were treated by the 
** Spaniards as enemies, wherever they were met 
^ in America, though failing to and from their 
^ own plantations, and infifted that fatisfaftion 
•^ was to be given in this, and a good foundation 

" of 

W E S T IN DI E S. 14s 

" of friendfliip laid in thofe parts for the futujre, cHAP. 
" between their refpedlive fubjefts (the Englilh u^ 
" there being very confiderable, and whofefafe-^ 
" ty and intereft the government here ought 'to 
. " provide for) or elfe there could be ao folid 
" and lafting peace between the two ftates in 
" Europe. 

" The fecond difference was touching the in- 
" quifition, &c. — ^To thefe two, Don Alonfo was 
" pleafed to anfwer; that to afk a liberty from 
•* the inquifition, and free failing in the Wefl In* 
" dieSy vizstoa/k his mafler^s two eyes; and that 
** nothing could h^ done in thofe points, but accord^ 
" ing to the praQice of former times* 

" Then it came in to debate, before Oliver and 
" his council, with which of thefe crowns (France 
" or Spain) an alliance was to be chofen. Oliver 
" himfelf was for a war with Spain, at leafi in the 
** Wefl Indiesy iffatisfaSion were not^ivenfor the 
** pafi damages y, and things well fettled for thefu* 
" ture. And mofi of the council went the fame 

From the fafts and recital which I have thus 
given, it is apparent that the Spaniards not only 
were the firft aggreffors, but had proceeded to 
thofe hoftilities a^ainft the fubjefts of England, 
which are unjuftinable even in a ftate of adlual 
war; and, although the outrages complained of, 
were fuch as the moft infignincant {late in the 
world would not have tamely fubmitted to, from 
the moil powerful ; yet did Cromwell, in feeking 
redrefs, difplay his regard to. juftice by his mo* 
deration and temper. He demanded, it is true, 
reparation for paft injuries, and fecurity againft 
^ture; but he did not order reprilals to be made, 
until his demand was rejeded, and until he was 
plainly told, that the fame hoflile line of con- 
dud which the Spaniards had hitherto purfued 

Vol. I. • L towards 

146 HISTORYd^thE 

BOOK towards the Englifti in America iKould be perfift- 
It- edin. New, as Blome well obfetves, on this 
' bccafion, '* war muji nnds be jujiifiahle when 
j^eace is not allmvabUP 

The courfe of my work would now bring me 
to an illuftration oi the Jjrotcftor's meafures in 
confequence of his appeal to force; the equip- 
ment of & powerful armament, its njifcarria^e at 
Hifpaniola, and fuccels at Jamaica; but oi all 
thefe tranfaftions a very accurate and circum^ 
ftantial narrative has already been given in the 
Idftory of Jamaica bt Mr. Long ; to whofe account 
I cannot hope to add perfpicuity or force. Re- 
ferring the reader, therefore, to tliat valuable 
work, for fatisfadory information in thefe parti- 
culars, I ftiall conclude this chapter with an ac- 
count of the ftate of Jamaica, its inhabitants and 
J)rodu£lions, as it was found by the Englifh 
brces on hs capture in May 1655; obferving 
Only, and I mention the circumftance with a re- 
gret in which I am fure the reader will partici- 
pate, that Gage, who planned the expedition, 
Embarked with and perilhed in it! 

The whole number of white inhabitants on the 
ifland, including women and children, did not 
exceed fifteen hundred. Penn, in his examina* 
tion before the proteftor's coundl, on the 12th 
of September 1665, ftatesthem at twelve or four- 
teen hundred only, of which he fays about five 
hundred men were in arms when. the Englifh 
landed. It is remarkable however that Blome, 
who compiled a fhort account of Jamaica fo early 
as 1672, avers that the town of St. Jago de k 
Vega confifted of two thoufand houfes, two 
cTiurches, two chapels and an abbey. There 
mufl therefore have happened at fbme period a 
Wonderful diminution in the number of the white 
inhabitants, a^d the expulfion of the portugttefe 


WEST 1 N D I E S. X47 

fcttlers, as related by this author, appears the CHAP, 
more probable. Blome perhaps has given an !'• 
exaggerated aecount of the number of tlie houfes ; * ^ 
but fufficient evidence remained, till within thefe 
few years, of the buildings eonfecrated to divine 
wormip, particularly of the two churches and 
the abbey. 

Of the other principal fettlements, the chief 
appears to have been at Puerto de Caguaya, fince 
named by the Englifh Port Royal ; but tnough it 
was next in confequence to St. Jago, it was pro* 
bably nothing more than an inconfiderable ham- 
kt, efiablilhed for the purpofe of fome fmall traf* 
fic with the fhips bound from Hifpaniola to the 
continent. Its fubfequent rife and extenfive prof- 
perity, its deplorable wickednefs and fatal cataf- 
txophe, are circumftances too well known to be 
repeated *. 

To thewcftward of Caguaya was the port of 
Eftjuivel (Puerta de Efquivella) fo called, I pre- 
fome, in honour of the governor of that name. 
This port feems indeed to have been almoft de« 
fertea at the time of the conqueft in 1655, ^^^ 
Spaniards giving the preference to Caguaya ; but 
it was ftill reforted to by the galleons, as a place 
of flielter during the hurricane months, and, from 

L2 its 

* Tlie following fingular inTcnptioti npean on a tomb* 
ftont, atXyreen^a/, idjoining the Apofties' Bauer/. 

" Here lies the bod/ of Lewis Gald/, Efq. who de^ed 
this fife, at Pon Ro/al, the a 2d December 1736, aged eight/. 
He was bom at Montpellier in France, but kft that countr/ 
for his religion, and came to fettle in thisifland, where he was 
fwallowed up in the great earthquake, in the /ear 1692, and 
b/ the providence of God, was b/ another ihock thrown into 
the fea, and mtraculoi^/ faved b/ . fwimming, until a boat 
took him up. He Uved man/ /ears after, in great reputatioh, 
beloved b/ all who knew mm, and much Xamentw at Sis 


BOOK its ancient reputation, the Engliih named it Old 
U« Harbour. 

From Old Harbour to Punto Negrillo, the wef- 
tern point of the ifland, the fea-coaft was chiefly 
in favanna, abounding in horned cattle; but 
there does ^not appear to have been any fettle- 
ment in all that great extent of country, except a 
fmall hamlet called Oriftan, of which however 
the accounts are obfcureand contradidlory. 

Returning eaftward, to the north of Port Ca- 
guaya was theHato de Liguany ; prefenting to the 
harbour an extenfive plain or favanna^ covered 
with cedar and other excellent timber. This 
part of the country was alfo abundantly ftored 
with homed cattle and horfes, which ran wild 
in great numbers; and the firft employment of 
the Englifh troops was hunting and flaughtering 
the cattle, for the fake of the hides and tallow, 
M^hich foon became an article of export. Jt was 
fuppofed by Sedgewicke, that the foldiers had 
killed 20,000 in the courfe of the firft four months 
after their arrival ; and as to horfes, " they were 
" in fuch plenty (fays Goodfon) that we account- 
" ed them the vermin of the country *." 

Eaft ward of Liguany was the Hato, by fome 
called Ayalaj by others Yalosy and now wrote 
Yai/ahs; sl place, faith Venables "which hath 
much commodity of planting or erefting of fugar 
engines of water, by reafon of two convenient 
rivers running throtigh it fit for that purpofe." 
Next to Ayala was the Hato called Morante. 


5* "Colonel Barry's houfe 9 11 galleried round (now called 
CavaHcrs) was formerly, when the Spaniards pofleffed the if- 
land, the only place in Liguany inhabited; a rich widow had 
here a fugar- work, and abundance of cattle in the favannas, 
near 40,000." (Sloane, vol. i. Introd. p. 73.) — ^The moun- 
^ins of Liguany were fuppofed alfo to contain mines both of 
gold and copper. 


This Morante (faith Venablcs) "is a large andcHAP. 
plentiful Hato, being four leagues in length, con- II. 
lifting of many fmall favannas, and has wild cat- ^ 
tie and hogs lA very great plenty, and ends at the 
min^, which is at the Cape or Point of Morante 
itfelf, by which toward the north is the port 

Such is the account of Jamaica as tranfmitted . 
in general Venables's letter to fecretary Thurloe, 
dated 13th June 1655. The reader will perceive 
that no mention is made of the north fide of the 
ifland; which gives room to conclude, as was 
undoubtedly the faft, that it Was one entire de- 
fert, from eaft to weft, totally uncultivated and 

Of the inland parts, it appears from Sloane, 
that Guanaboa was famous for its caca^o trees, 
and the low lands of Clarendon for plantations of 

Upon the whole, although the Spaniards had 
pofieffed the ifland a century and a half, not one 
hundredth part of the plantable land was in cul- 
tivation when the Englifti made themfelves maf-^ 
ters of it. Yet the Spanifti fettlers had no fooner 
exterminated, in the manner we have feen, the 
original proprietors, than they had recourfe, 
with their neighbours of Hifpaniola, to theintro- 
duftion of flaves from Africa. We are told that, 
the number of negroes in the ifland, at the time 
of its capture, nearly equalled that of the whites- 
It is not eafy to difcover to what ufeful purpofe 
the labour of thefe Blacks was appliedi The floth 
and penury of the Spanifti planters, when theEiig- 
lifli landed, were extreme. Ofthe many valuable 
commodities which Jamaica has fi^ce produced in 
fo great abundance, fome Were altogether un- 
known, and of the reft the^ inhabitants culti- 
vated no more than were fnfficient for their own 



BOOK expenditure. Their principal export, befidei 
2^ cacao, confided of hogs-lard and hides. The 
fale of thefe articles^ and fupplying the few 
Ihips th^t touched at their ports with provifi- 
ons, in barter for European manufaftures, con- 
ftituted the whole of their commerce ; a com- 

Sierce which the favages of Madagascar con- 
uct with equal ability and fuccefs. They pof- 
feiicd nothing of the elegancies of life, nor were 
they acquainted even with many of thofe grati- 
fications which, in civilized ftates, are connder- 
ed as neceffary to the comfort and conveniency 
of it. They were neither polifhed by focial 
intercourfe, nor improved by education; but 
pafled their days in gloomy lauguor, enfeebled 
by floth and depreHcd by poverty. HaviQg at 
the fame time but little or no connexion with 
Europe, nor the means of fending their chil- 
dreu thither for education (a circtimftance that 
might have introduced among them, from tipic 
to time, fome portion of civility and fcience) 
they had been for m^ny years in a ft ate oi 
progrcflive degeneracy, and would probably, ia 
a feort time, have expiated the guilt of their an- 
ceftors, by falling vidims themfelves to the ven- 
geance of their Haves. Time indeed had 
wrought a wonderful change in the manners and 
difpofitipns of all the Spanifh Americans. It 
muft however be acknowledged, that if they 
poffefled not the abilities of their forefathers, 
they were unftained with their crimes. If wc 
fina among them no traces of that enterprifing 
genius; that unconquerable perfeverance, that 
contempt of toil, danger, and death, which fo 
wonderfully diftingqiftied the great adventurers, 
who nrft e>cp]ored and added a new hemifphere 
to the Spauifh doiainion ; we muft own at the 




fame lime that they were happilv free &om thdr CJ|AP. 
guilty ambition ; their remorfelels fanaticifm, and ^I* 
frantic cruelty. But, whatever was their charac- 
ter, it is impof&ble to juftify the hard terms im- 
pofed by the Englifh commanders on the poor 
fettlers in Jamaica, in requiring them to deliver 
m> their flaves and ciffedls, and quit the country 
jlltogether. They pleaded that they were bom 
iBJtheifland, and had neither relations, friends, 
nor country elfewherc, and they declared that 
they were refolved to perilh in the woods, rather 
tban beg their bread in a foreign foil. This was 
their final anfwer to thepropofitionsof Venables, 
the Englilh General, nor could they be brought 
again to enter into any treaty. The refiftance 
they afterwards made againft the efforts of our 
troojps to expel them from the ifland, may familh 
this important lefTon to conquerors — that even 
vi^ory has its linuts, and that injuilice and 
tyranny frequently defeat their own purpqfes. 



tit H I S T O R Y O F T H E 

C H A P. m. 

Proceedings of the Englijh in Jamaica after its 
capturZ — Col. tyOyky declared prefidtnt.'^--^ 
DifcontiiHts and moriality among the army.^^ 
Vigorous exertiofis of the Profeffor. — CoL 'Bra^nc 
appointed commander in chief — His death.—; 
fyOyley reajfumcs the government.— Defeats the 
Spanijp forces f which had invaded the ifland 
from Cuba. — His wife and fleady adminiftration. 
— Bucamuers."— Conciliating conduS of Charles 
//. on his refloration. — Firjl eflablijhment of a^ 
regular government in 'Jamaica.^-^Lord Wind-- 
fo?s appointment. — Royal Proclamation.— Ame- 
rican treaty in 1670. — Change of meafures on 
the part oj the crown. — Neijo conflitution devif-' 
cd for Jamaica.— -^Earl of Carlifle appointed 
chief governor for the purpofe of enforcing the 
new fyftem.—Succefsful oppofttion of the^ affem'- 
bly. — Subfequent dijputes reJ^eSing the confrma- 
tion of their laws. — Terminated oy the revenue 
ad of 1728. 


.FTER the capture of the ifland, until the 
refloration of Charles II. the Englifh in Jamaica 
remained under military jurifdiAion. Cromwell 
had nominated W inflow, Serle and Butler to aft 
as commiflioners, with Penn and Venables, in- 
tending, I prefume, to conftitute by this arrange- 
ment a council of ftate, whofe authority might 
mitigate the rigour of the law^martial; but the 
two generals, with commiilioner Butler, returning 


W E S T I N D I E S. I5J 

to England ivithout leave ; the fole commiand of CHAP, 
the anny devolved on Major General Fortefcue, ^^* 
and of the fleet on Admiral Goodfon. Never- ' 
thelefs it was the intention of Cromwell to have 
eftablifhed a civil government in the ifland on 
very liberal principles. Soon after he received 
the account of its capture, he iflued a proclama- 
tion declaratory of that purpofe, and on the re^ 
turn to England of commif&oner Butler, he fent 
over Major bedgewicke to fupply his place. 
Sedgewicke arrived in Jamaica in 0<^ober, but 
W inflow and SerJe having in the mean time 
fallen vi£lims to the climate, he was unwilling to 
a& under the prote£lor's commiflTion without 
further afliftance. An inftrument of govern- 
ment, was thereupon framed, and fubfcribed, on 
the eighth of Odober 1655, by Sedgewicke and 
the principal officers, who thereby conftituted 
themfelves a fupreme executive council for 
managing the general affairs of the ifland; of 
which Fortefcue was declared prefident, and he 
dying foon afterwards. Colonel Edward D^Oyley, 
the next in command, was chofen to prefiae 
in his room. But the fituation of the troops re- 
quired martial array, and ftrift difcipline; for 
the difpoflTeflfed Spaniards and fugitive negroes 
continued to harrafs the foldiers with perpetual 
alarms. Mexi were daily killed by enemies ia 
ambufti* The Spanifli blacks had feparated 
themfelves from their late mailers, and mur- 
dered, without mercy, fuch of the Englifli as 
r^^mbling about the country fell into their hands. 
They were even fo audacious as to venture by 
night to attack the Englifli troops in their 
quarters, and to fet fire to fome of the houfes in 
which they were lodged, in the town of St. Jago 
de la Vega, the capital. 


HI5T0»T or THE 

Bui tlie pmteAor iva$ jd^ermined to maifitaio 
his conqueft, and . leeroed anxioufly bent om 
peopling the ifland. While recruits were raiiing 
in England, he dire&ed the governors of Barba- 
does, and the other £ritifli colonies to windward 
(which at that time were exceedingly populous) 
to encourage fome of their planters to remove to 
Jamaica, oa the afinranee of their having lands 
aligned them there. Ue dispatched an ag^eot 
to New Ei^land on a iimilar errand, as well as 
to engage the peo]p4e of the northern provix^»s 
to furnifh provHioas to the newly-acquired terri* 
tory. He gave inftru6lions to his ion Henry 
Cromwell, who was Major General of the forces 
in Ireland, to engage t»ro or three thoufand 
young perlbns of both fexes from thence, to h^ 
comeietlers in Jamaica ; and he adviied with the 
lord Broghill, who commanded at Edinburgh^ 
on the heft means of inducing as^reat a number 
to emigrate for the fame purpofe from Scotland. 

In the mean while the old foldiers within the 
ifland^ difliking their iituation, and conceiving 
from die preparations of the government iat 
home, that the proteflor had thoughts of con* 
£ningthe9i to Jamaica for life, became xlifTatisfi* 
ed and feditious. Other caufes indeed concurred 
toawakeii among theip fuch a ipirit of difcontent 
as approached nearly to mutiny. Having at firft 
found in the country, cattle ^k1 fwihe in ^reaa 
abuxidance, they haa deilroyed them with Inch 
improvidence and wantonnefs of profnfion, as to 
occafion a fcarcity of freih provifionsin aplaee 
which had been reprefented as abounding in the 
higheft degree. 1 he chief commanders appre- 
hending this eventj and finding that the bread 
and ilour which arrived from England were oftea* 
times fpoilt by the length of the voyage and the 
heat of the climate, had urged the foldiers, with 



great eameftnefs, to cultivate the foil, and raife, CHA'P. 
by their own iadaftry, Indian com, pulfe and ^^• 
cafTavi, fufficient for their maintenance. They^^ 
endeavoured to make them fen fible that fupplies 
from Englajid muft neceffarilv be cafual and 
nneertain; and, perfuafion failing, thev would 
have compelled them by force to plant the 
ground; but the fubaltem officers concurred 
with the private men, abfolutdy refufing to con- 
tribute in ihk fmalleft degree to their owa 
prefervition by the means recommended. They 
Vere poffefl'ed of a paffionate longing to return 
to England, and fondly ima^ned that the conti* 
ijLual great expenceof maintaming fe large a body 
troops at fo great a diftance, would ifwixice the 
of protedortQ Telinguifti his conqueft. They even 
rooted up the provibons which had been planted 
«nd left by the Spaniards. ** Out (bldieral 
(writes Sedgcwicke) have deftroyed all Ibrt^of 

Srovifions and cattle. Nothing but ruin attends 
lem wherefoever thcj go. IMg or plant, they 
neither will nor can, put arc determine rather 
to ftarve than work." A fcarcity, approaching 
to a famine, was at length the eonfcquenee frf* 
fach miftrondnd, and it. was accompanied with 
Its ufual attendants, difeafe and com^ion. Per^ 
haps there are but few defcriptions in hiftory 
wherein a .greater variety of horrors are ac- 
cumulated than in the letters addrefied on 
this occafion by Sedgewicke and the ether 
principal officers, to the govemm^it at home, 
which are preferved among Thurloe's ftate pa- 

?ers. feuch was the want of food, that fnakes, 
zards and other vermin, were eagerly eaten, 
together with unripe fruits and noxious vegeta- 
bles. This unwholefome diet concurred with 
other circunitlances to produce an epidemic 
dyfentery, which raged like the plague. For a 



BOOK confiderable time 140 men died weekly, and 
^^ Sedgewtcke hirafelf at length perifhed in the 
■^ ^ general carnage. 

The proteftor, as foon as he had received 
information o fthe diltradted and calamitous ftate 
of the colony, exerted himfelf with his ufual 
vigour, to afford it relief. Provilions and necef- 
faries of all kinds were fhipped without delay ; 
and Cromwell, diftruftful it is faid of D'Oyley's 
attachment, fuperfeded him, by grittiting a com- 
miflion of commander in chief of Jamaica, to 
Col. Brayne, governor of Lochabar in Scotland. 
This gentleman, with a fleet of tranfports, and 
a reinforcement of one thoufand recruits, failed 
from Port Patrick, the beginning of OAober 
1656, and arrived at Jamaica in December fol- 
lowing. Col. Humphreys with his regiment, 
confiding of 830 men, had landed, fome time 
before, from England; and Stokes, governor of 
Nevis, with 1500 perfons collected in the Wind- 
ward iflands, nad reached Jamaica, and b^un 
an eftablifliment near to the Port of Morant, 
where fome of Stokes's defcendants, of the fame 
name, poflefs at this day confiderable property. 
Another regiment, commanded by Col. Moore, 
arrived in the beginning of 1657 from Ireland, 
and fome induflrious planters followed foon 
afterwards from New England and Bermudas. 

Brayne's firft accounts are very difcouraging. 
He complains that he found all things in the 
ntmoft confufion; that violent animouties fub-. 
lifted among the troop.^ ; and, above all, that 
there was a great want of men cordial to the 
hujinefs'y fuch is his expreflion. He defires a 
remittance of ^^.5000, to enable him to ered 
fortifications, and a further lupply of provifions 
for fix months; ftrenuoufly recommending, at 
the fame time, a general liberty of trade be- 


W E S T I N D I E S- / 157 

tweett'the ifland and all nations in amity with CHAP. 
England ; an indulgence which he thinks would in. 
fpeedily encourage planters enough to fettle in, ' 
and improve, the country. 

But Brayne, thoueh a man of fagacity and 
penetration, wanted nrmnefs and fortitude. The 
troops ftill continued unhealthy, and, ficknefs 
fpreading rapidly amongft the new comers, 
Brayne, alarmed for his own fafety, became as 
little cordial to the bufmefs of fettling as the reft. 
He prayed moft earaeftly for permiflion to return 
to England. In the mean while, by way Tas 
he writes) of precaution againft a fever, he 
weakened himfelf to a great degree by copious 
blood-letting ; a praftice which probably proved 
fatal to him; for he died at the end of ten 
months after his arrival. A few days before his 
death, finding himfelf in imminent danger, he 
fent to D'Oyley, and formally transferred his 
authoritv to that officer. D'Oyley happily pof- 
feffed all thofe qualifications in which Brayne 
was deficient ; yet he entered 0]i his charge with 
rcludancc; for, having already been roughly 
fuperfeded by the proteftor, he expefted per- 
haps fjch another difmiffion. In the letters 
which he addreffed to Cromwell and Fleetwood, 
on the event of Brayne's deceafe, he expreffes 
himfelf with propriety and dignity. " Your 
highnefs," he obferves to Cromwell, ** is not to 
be told how difficult it is to command an army 
without pay, and I tremble to think of the dii- 
contents I am to ftruggle withal, until the return 
of your commands ; though I blefs God I have 
the affeftion of the people here, beyond any 
that ever yet commanded them; and a fpirit of 
my own not to fink under the weight of unrea- 
fcnable difcontents.'* To Fleetwood he writes, 
** I would have rcfiifed t6 accept of this com- 


BOOK maBd, if I could have quitted With honour and 
U- &ithfulne(5 to my country ; but I am now refolved 
to go through, until I receive farther orders from 
his highnefs, or a difcharge from him, which I 
humbly d€&te your lordihip toefied for me. Ho- 
nours and riches are not the things I aim at. I 
ble&God I have a foul much above them. Pray, 
my lord, decline your greatnefs, and command 
your fccretary to give me, an anfwer ; for if I 
were difrobed of all my titles of honour and great 
command, vet you know that I am a gentleman, 
and a faithlul friend to my country." 

It was fortunate for his country that his rcfig- 
nation was not accepted, and that the prote£ior, 
fenfible at length of the ability and merit of this 
brave man, confirmed him in liis command* To 
the exertion* of D'Oyle^, feconded and fup- 
ported by the affe£iion which his foldiers, under 
all their difficulties and diftreffes, manifefted on 
every oceafion tow^trds him, we owe at this day 
the poffcflion of Jamaica ; the recapture wher^f 
by the Spaniards, towards the end of the year 
1657, became to them an objed of great national 
concern. Its defencelefs fiate, the diffatisfaAion 
of the Englifh troops, and the exertions making 
by Cromwell to afibrd them relief^ as well as to 
augment their numbers, led the goventor of 
Cuba to believe, that the juttdure was then 
arrived for retrieving the honour of his coun* 
try, bj^ the reftoration of this ifland jo its do- 
minion. Having communicated to the vice-roy 
of Mexico, a fcheme built on this icka, and re* 
ceived the fandion and fupport of that officer, 
he made preparations for a formidable invaiion, 
and appointed Don Chriftopher Safi Arnoldo, 
who had been governor of Jamaica at the time 
of its qapture, to take the condud and command 
of the enterprize. 


WEST IN Dife 8. 159 

On the eighth of May 16581 thirty companies CH AF. 
of 5pani(h infantry lanaed at Rio Nucvo, a fmaAl ^J^- 
Jbi^rbour on the north fide of the iltend. They ^ 
were provided with eight months provifioi^ ord- 
nance imd amttiunition of all kinds^ aiKl they 
brought engineers and artificers for ere^ing ex- 
teniive fortifications. Twelve days had elapfed 
before D'Oyley knew of their landing, and fist 
weeks more intervened by the time that he was 
able to approach them by fea. During this in^ 
terval> the Spaniards had eftablifhed tbemfelves 
in great force ; but D'Oyley at length reaching 
Rio Nuevo, with feven hundred and fifty of his 
beft^ifciplined foldiers^ attacked them in their 
entrenchments ; carried by aflault a firong for- 
trefs which they had erefted on an eminence over 
the harbour ; and compelled the late unfortunate 
governor to get back as he could to Cuba^ after 
the lofs of all his (lores, ordnance, ammunition 
and colours, and of one half the forces which 
he had brought with him. Few viftories have 
been more decifive; nor does hiftory fiirnifti 
many inftanc^ of greater military {kill and in- 
trepidity, than thofe which were difplayed by 
the Engliih on this occafion. 

After fo fignal a defeat, the Spaniards made 
fto eSbrt of confeqnence to reclaim Jamaica. A 
party of the ancient Spanifti inhabitants, how- 
ever, ftill lurked in the woods, and Safi, their 
govertK)r, had returned to ftiare their fortunes ; 
but a body of their fiigitive negroes having fur- 
rendered to D'Oyley on the promife of freedom, 
thefe wretches informed him where their late 
mafters were fheltered ; and joined fome troops 
that were font in purfuit of them : thus tlie poor 
Spaniards were entirely routed, and the few that 
furvived, by cfcaping to Cuba, took their laft 
farewel of a country, their fond attachment to 



BOOR wliich, it is not poflible to reflet on, without 
n, emotions of pity. 

By the wilie, fteady and provident adminif- 
tration of D'Oyley, the affairs of the ifland began 
at length to wear a more promifing afpeft. The 
army was now become tolerably healthy. Some 
fuccefsful efforts in raifmg Indian corn, caffavi, 
tobacco, and cacao, had given encouragement to 
a fpirit of planting. The arrival of feveral mer- 
chant fhips^ for the purpofe of traffic, contri- 
Touted ftill further to the promotion of induftry, 
and, on the whole^ the dawn of future profperity 
began to be vifible. 

But, as hath been truly obferved by a well-in- 
formed author *, nothing contributed fo much to 
the fettlement and opulence of this ifland in early 
times, as the refort to it of thofe men called Bu- 
caniers ; the wealth which they acquired having 
been fpeedily transferred to people whofe induf- 
try was employed in cultivation or comifierce. 
Of that Angular afTociation of adventurers it were 
to be wifhed that a more accurate account could 
be obtained than has hitherto been given : I will 
juft obferve in this place, that fuch of them as 
belonged to Jamaica were not thofe piratical plun- 
derers and public robbers which they are com- 
monly reprefented. A Spanifti war, commenced 
on thejufteft grounds on the part pf the Englifh, 
ftill prevailing in the Weft Indies, they were fiir-i 
niflied with regular letters of marque and repri- 
fal. After the reftoration of Charles II. the king 
ordered that they ftiould receive every encourage- 
ment and protedion; nor, if we mav believe Sir 
William Beefton t, did his majefty difdain to be- 
come a partner in the bucaniering bufinefs. It 


* European Settlements, 
t MS. Journal ptnri me. 

WES T I N DIES. 161 

18 indeed related thatjbe continued to exaft andCHAP. 
receive a Ihare of the booty, even after he had ^^I* 
publicly ifTued orders for the fuppreffion of this ' 
fpecies of hoftility *. 

People of all pi^ofeffions, and from all parts 
of the Britiih empire, now reforted to Jamaica. 
The confafions which overfpread England after 
the death of Cromwell, impelled many to feek 
for fafety and quiet in the Plantations. Some 
of thofe men who had diftinguifhed themfelves 
by their aftivityin bringing their unhappy mo- 
narch to the fcaffold, confidered this ifland as a 
fare place of refuge. Forefeeing, from the tem- 
per which began to prevail amongft all ranks 
of people in England, efpecially towards the be- 
ginning of the jrear 1660, that the nation was 
United in its wifties for the re^eftablilhment of 
the ancient fi-ame of government, they hoped to 
find that fafety in a colony compofed of Crom- 
welPs adherents, which they were apprehenfive 
would ftiortly be denied them at home !• 

Vol. I. M But 

* Hie favour extended by the King to Heniy Morgan, the 
moft celebrated of the Englilh Bucaniers (a man indeed of 
an elevated mind and invinciole courage) aroie doubtiefs, in a 
great meafure, from the good underfiaiuiing that prevailed be* 
tween them in the copartnerfliipthat I have mentioned. When 
the Earl of Carlifle returned from Jamaica, Morran was ap- 
pointed deputy-governor and lieutenant general in his abfence ; 
and, proceeding himfelf, at a fubfeauent period, to England, 
he was received very gracioufly, and nad the honour of knight- 
hood conferred on nim by nis fovereign. I hope theretore, 
and indeed have good reafon'to believe, that aU or moil of 
the heavy accufations which have been brought againft this 
gallant commander, of outrageous cruelty towards his SpanUh 
captives, had no foundation in truth. 

t Some of thofe men who had fat as judges at the trial of 
Charles L are faid to have become peaceable fettlers here, and 
to have remained after the Reftoration unnoticed anduamo- 
\s&ti^ Waite and Blagrove are reckoned of the number, and 
General Harrifon was earneftly prefied to follow their exam- 
ple ; 


,B O O k But altho' men of this ftamp were filently per- 
il- mitted to fix themfelveA in the ifland, the ge- 
' ner^l body both of the army aTid people caught 
the reviving flame of loyalty, and iincerely parti- 
-cipated in the national triumph on the king's re- 
tum. The reftored monarch, on his part, not 
only overlooked their pail tranfgreifions^ but 
prudently forbore alfo to awaken their jealoufy, 
by enquiring after any of thofe obnoxious cha- 
raders to whom they had afforded protedion^ 
To conciliate the affe&ions of the colonifts, 
whofe valour had annexed fo important an 
appendage to his dominions, the king even conr> 
firmed their favourite General in his command ; 
appointing D^Oyley, by a commiffiou which bore 
date the thirteenth of February 1661, chief go- 
vernor of the ifland. He was ordered, at the 
fame time, to releafe the army from militarv 
Subordination, to ered courts of judicature, ancl> 
with the advice of a council, to be eleSed by the 
inhabitants y to pafs laws fuitable to the exigencies 
of the colony. 

This memorable appointment of General D'Oy- 
ley, with a council eleftcdby the people^ may 
be confidered as the firft eftablifhment of a re- 

'pie ; l>ut, fuitably to his cKaraAer, he gloried in the i^omi- 
nious death that awaited him. After his execution, his chil- 
dren fixed their fortunes in this ifland, where fome of His de- 
fcendants, in the female line, are ftill living, in good credit, 
in the parifh of St. Andrew. It is rq>orted aUb that the re- 
mains of Prefident Bradfhaw were interred in Jamaica; and 
I obferve in a fplendid book, entitled Mewmhrt of Thomas HoU 
Tu^ an epitaph which is faid to \izvt been iufcribed on a can- 
Don that was placed on the Prefident's grave -, but it is^ to mj 
oiA-n knowledge, a modem compofition. Prefident Bradfhaw 
died in London, in November 1659, and had a magnificent 
funeral in Weftminfter abbe/. A fbn of Scbtt, the Regicide, 
fhced hinifelf in this ifland, and iettled the plantation called 
Y S in St. Eliiabeth. From a daughter of this man wtt de« 
fccnied the late ald^man Beckford. 


gular civil government in Jamaica, after tlxeEng- CHAP, 
lifli had become mailers of it ; Imt, ia order tp III. 
create full confidence of fecurity in the minds ^ 
of the inhabitsims, further meafures were necef'* 
fary on the part of the fovereign ; and they were 
readily adopted. D'Oyley defiring to be recalled, 
the lord Windfor was nominated in his room, and 
direded to publifh, on his arrival, a royal and 
gracious proclamation, wherein, for the jpurpofe 
of encouraging the fettlement of the country^ 
allotment^ of land were offered under fucb terms 
as were, ufual in other plantations, wkh Ibcli 
farther convenient and fuitable privileges and 
immunities, as the grantees fhould reafonably re- 
quire. The proclamation then proceeds in the 
words following : — '' And we do further publiih 
*^ and declare, that all the children of our na- 
** tural-bom fubjefts of England, to be born in 
** Jiimaica, shall, from their REsPECtiVE 


,** SUBJECTS OF ENGLAND; aud that all frcc per- 
'« fpns (hall have liberty, without interruption, 
*' to tranfport themfelves and their families, and 
** any of their goods (except only coin and bul- 
•• lion) from any of our dominions and territo- 

" ries to the faid ifland of Jamaica, &c*.*' 

M 2 Thefe 

^ As th« reader vmj be defirout of feeing this prodamatioa 
at large, it is here interted ^)^iatim. 

*^ Dnima Septima Pars Patentium de Anno Regni Regis Ca^ 
rail Secundi Ttrti§ deciTm. Car. 2dL i^fio. 

A fVLOChhUA.CO'H^ fir the incouraging of Plant- 
jtrs in his Mttjsftfs ifland of Jamaica in tht Wcfl-Indies. 

W«i bebrfiillj fatisfied that our ifland of Jamaica, beiAg 

S\ pleafant and moft fertile fo^le, and fcituate comodioufl/ 
*fiir trade and commerce, is likelj, tlnough God's blefiing, to 




BOOK "^^^^^ important declarations have alwavs beea 
"-^ juftly :CQiifi4ered^ by: the inhabitams of Jamaica, 


bee a greate benefitt and advantage to thi% and other oor 
Icingdomes and dominions, tiave tfiought fict, for encourageins 
of t)urfubiefts as weH lUdh as are already upon the fafd i^ 
bind,'as ill otherrihat ibfafll tuanf^xm themfelves thkher, and 
refide^ and plunt ifaere, to-detlan and piibU^, and wee doe 

Ih^r^lV declare.aiKl publjfh, that thirtie acres of improveable 
lands ftia 11 bee granted and allotted, to every fuchpenbn, male 
or female, being twelve years' old, or upwards, who now re- 
MtB,' 6r Within two years next eniliing,~ihall refide opoYi the 
faidjilaiid, andthat the faifie fluilbee aifigned and fetl ooc 
by th^ fovemor and jrouncel], within ftx wcekes« next after 
notice mail be given, in writing, fubfcribed by fiich olan^er or 
planters, or fome of them in behalfe ojf the reft, to tne gover- 
nor or fuch ofBcer as h«e fliafl appoint hi that behalf, fignify- 
ing their refolutions to plant there, and when they intend to 
bee on the pla^e :.an4 tfi saf$ they doe not voe thither, within 
fix months then next enfuing the faid allotment fball bee 
void, and free to bee aillgned to any otner planter, and that 
every perfon and perTons lo whom ^ch aflignnjent fhall bee 
made, fhall hold and enjc^ the faid^'land^, foe to bee ailigned, 
^nd all houfes, edtficea, jboiildings and inclofures thereupon ta 
bee built or made, tathen^ and; their heirs &>r ever, by and 
under fuch tenures as is ufual in other plantations fubjed to 
us. Neverthelefie yiey arc to be obliged* to ferve in am^t 
upon^ny infuiT«£Hon, mutiny, or forrameinvafion, and that 
the fadd iffignmenu aiid ailotmenis fba)lb< made andcoii- 
firmed under the publiqu^ ie^e. of t)ie ibid iflaUi(^» with powt^ 
to create any mannor or mannors, and with fuch convenient 
and fuitable priveledges and imunities as the. mntee ihall 
reafonably defire and require, and' a draught of fuch allign- 
-ment fhall bee, pi^pared by* our learned councellin the la we, 
and delivered to the governor to that purpofe, and that all 
fifhingsand pifcharies, and all copper, lead, tin, iron, coales 
' and aU other mines (exce^ gold and filver") within luch rc- 
fpe^tive allotments fhall bee enjoyed by the grantees thereof, 
refervin^only a twentieth part of the produA of the faid mines 
to our ule. And we dpe further publifh and declare, that all 
children of our naturall borne fubjeAs of En^land^ to bee 
borne in Jamaka^ fhall from their refpe6iiv< births, bee re- 
puted to bee, and fliall bee, free Denizens q( E^land ; and 
fhall have the fame priveLedges, to all intents a^d ptt^|>bfe8, 
as our free-borne fubje^s of Englofid^ and iJ^at ^M Ute per-. 











is a folemn reco^ition and confirmation by itie CHAP, 
crown, of thofc rights which arc inherent in, ^I^- 
and unalienable from, the perfon of a fubje£l of 
England, and of which, fo long as he nreferves 
his allegiance, emigration for the beneiit of the 
ftate cannot, and furelv ought not, to diveft him. 
Purfuant to, and in tne fpirit of the procbnia- 
tion, the governor was inftrucSled to call an afp 
fembly, to be indifferently chofen by the people 
at large, that they might p^fs laws for their own 
internal regulation ai^d government; aprivilege, 
which being enjoyed by fuch of their fellow fub- 
jc£ts as remained within the realm, it is prefum<« 
ed they had an undoubted right to exercifc, with 
this limitation only, that the laws which they 
ihould pafs, were not fubverfive of their depen- 
dance on the parent ftate *. 


fons fhall have libcrtie without interruption, to tranfpon 
themfelves, and their families and anj their goods Texcept on- 
lej co/ne and bullion) from any our dominions and territories 
to the faid ifland of JamaUs. And wee doe ftridl/ char^ 
and comma^d all planter^ foldiers and others, upon the faid 
ifland, to jield obedience to the lawful! commands of our 
right trufty and welbeloved Thomas Lord Wind/or^ now our 
governor of our laid ifland, and to everjr other governor there- 
of for the tyme being, under t>aine of o^ difpleaiitre and fiich 
penalties as may be mfli^ed thereupon. Ginxn ai our eourU at 
Whitehall, thefourtantb day of December. P\ ipm*. Regem. ^ 

Tbh u a true copy of the original record remaining in the Chappie of 

the Rolls^ having been examined by me 
FRRA-COPIA. Henry Rooke, CPrf the Rolls. 

* His majefty was lilcewife pleafed to favour the ifland with 
a broad feal with the following arms, viz. a crofs gules charged 
with five pine-apples in a field arejent *, fup^orters^ two Indians 
phim'dandcondaled; ^refi^ an alligator vivant. The infcrip- 
tion in the orb, 

Ecce alium Ramos porrexit in orbem 

Nee ftcrilis eft crux. 


Tothefe fcveral teftimontes of royal juftice and 
favour towards the new colonifls,' may be added 
the additional fecurity obtained for tnem by the 
American treaty, concluded and figned at Ma- 
drid in the month of June 1670. For, after the 
reftoration, doubts were raifed by the partizans 
of royalty, whether, as the elevation of Crom- 
well was adjudged an ufurpation, the conquefts 
which had been made under the fan6lion of his 
authority, could be rightfully maintained by a 
kingly govertxraent ? Although nothing could 
well be more futile than thefe luggeftions, it was 
neverthelefs thought neceflary to guard againft 
the conclufions which Spain might deduce from 
them* This precaution partly gave rife to the 
fcventh article of the treaty Bhovt referred to, 
which is conceived in the words following, viz* 
" The king of Great Britain, his heirs and fuc- 
*^ cefTors, ftiall have, hold and poffefs, for ever, 
^ with full right of fovereign dominion, pro- 
*^ perty and poflTeflion, all lands, cou;^tries, if- 
** lancls, colonies and dominions whatever, fitu- 
" ated in the Weft Indies, or any part of Ameri- 
** ca, which the f^id king of Great Britain and 
^^ his fubjefts, do, at this prefent, hold and pof- 
f' fefs ; fo that in regard thereof, or upon any 
^' colour or pretence whatever, nothing may or 
^* ought ever to be urged, nor any queftion or 
** pontroverfy mov<^ concerning tne fame here- 
*' after*." 

Hitherto, it muft be admitted that the fove- 
reign authority was properly exerted in defence 
pf the juft rights of the crown, and in fecuring to 


* From thi$Tcdtal may bfe feen tht folly of a vcrj prevalent 
notion, namelj, That the fovereien^ of Spain, or fome of 
their fubjed^s, ftill keep up pretenlKons to Jamaica, or claim 
property therein, as n6t having been fctrmallj ceded to die 
crown of England. 

W E S T I N D 1 E S. tej 

hs diftant fubjefts the enjoyment of their poffef- CHAP, 
lions ; but unhappily Charles II. was a monarch ni. 
without fteadinefs, and a man without integrity. 
His general conduft was founded in motives of 
felfiihnefs and deception. About the period 
of the American treaty, a fcheme having been 
formed by him or his miniflry for fubverting the 
liberties of the people at home, it is the lefs won- 
derful, that the privileges enjoyed by the colo- 
nifts abroad, ftiould have been regarded by th6 
king with a jcaloufy, which fencreding with tlie 
cncreafe of their numbers, broke out at length in- 
to afts of open hoftility and violence towards 

In the beginning of 1678, the ftorm fell on Ja- 
maica. A new fyftem of legiflation was adopted 
for this ifland, founded nearly on the model of 
the Irilh conftitution under Poynings's aft; and 
the Earl of Carlifle was appointed chief governor 
for the purpofe of enforcing it. A body of laws 
was prepared by the privy council. of England, 
among the reft a bill for fettling a perpetual reve- 
nue on the crown, which his lordfhip was dircft* 
cd to offer to the affembly ; requiring them to 
adopt the whole code, without amendment of 
alteration. In future the heads of all bills (mo- 
ney bills excepted) were to be fuggefted in the firft 
inuance by the governor and council, and tranf- 
mitted to nis majefty to be approved or rejeded 
at home; on obtaining the royal confirmation, 
they were to be returned under the great feal in 
the ihape of laws, and paflTed by the general af- 
fembly ; which was to be convened for no other 
purpofe than that, and the bufincfs of voting the 
ufual iupplies ; unlefs in confequence of fpecial 
orders from England. 

If we only refleft on the diftance of Jamaica from 
Great Britain, we may pronounce, without hefi- 




BOOK tation, that it was impofliblc for the colony to 
II. ^xift under fuch a conltitution and fyftem ot go- 
vernment. What mifconduft on the part of the 
inhabitants, or what fecret expedition on the 
part of the crown, originally gave birth to this 
proje^ it is now difficult to determine. The 
moft probable opinion is this.-*-In the year 1663, 
the alibmbly of ^arbadoes were prevailed on, by 
very unjultiiiable means, as will hereafter b^ 
ihewp, to grant an internal revenue to the crown, 
pf 4^ per cent, on the ^rofs produce of that ifland 
for ever. It is not unlikely that the fteady refu^ 
fgl of the Jamaica plapter^ to burthen then^felvea 
and th?ir pofterity with a fimilar impofition, ex- 
citing the refentpient of the }cing, ftrft fuggefted 
the ide^ of depriving the^n of thofe ipppftitutional 
|ranchife§ which ^lone gould give fecurity and va- 
lue to their pofTeflions, Happily for the pref(?nt 
inhabitants, neither fecret mtrigue nor vpdif-i 
guifed violence were fuccefsful. Their gdjant 
anceftor^ tranfmitted to their pofterity their ^f-r 
tates unincumbered with fuch a ta^, and theii^ 
political rights unimpaired by the fyftejn of go-» 
yemment attempted to b? forced on them. '* I'he 
aflembly (fays Mr. Long, r^gedled the new con- 
ilitution with indignation^ !No threats could 
frighten, no bribes could corrupt, nor arts no]: 
arguments perfuade them to confent to laws that 
would pnflj^ve their pofterity,'* Let pie add, as a 
tribute of juft acknowledgment to the noble ef- 
forts of this gentlepian's great anceftoy. Colonel 
Long, that it was to himy Jamaica was principally 
indeoted for its deliverance. As chief judge of 
the iflapd, and inember of the council, he exert- 
ed on this important occafion, the powers with 
which he was inveftcd, with fuch ability and for- 
f itude, in defence of the people, as to baffle and 
^n*}ly overpower every effort to enflave them, 



The governor, after difmiffing him from the pofts CHAP, 
ivhich he had filled with iiich honour to himfelf. III. 
and advantage to the public, convened him a "^-^nr*^ 
ilate prifoner to England. Thefe delpotic mea- 
fures were uttimately produftive of good. Col. 
Long, being heard before the king and privy 
council, pointed out with fuch force of argument, 
the evil tendency of the meafures which had been 
purfued, that the Englilh miniftry reluftantly 
fubmitted. The affembly had their deliberatjve 
powers reftored to them, and Sir Thomas Lynch, 
who had prefided in the ifland as lieutenant go- 
vernor from 1670 to 1674, Very much to thefa- 
tisfadion of the inhabitants, was appointed cap- 
tain general and chief governor in the room of 

It might have been hoped that all poffible caufe 
of future conteft with the crown, on thequeftion 
of political rights, was now happily obviated ; 
but the event proved that this expedation wa$ 
fallacious. Although the affembly had recover- 
ed the ineftimable privilege of framing fuch laws 
for their internal government as their exigencies 
might require, of which doubtlefs themfelves 
alone were competent to judge, and although it 
was not alledged that the laws which they had 
paffed, as well before, as after the re-eftablifti- 
ment of their rights, were repugnant to thofeof 
the mother country, yet the royal confirmation 
of a great part of them had been conftantly refiif- 
ed, and flill continued to be withheld. It was 
indeed admitted, that the Englilh who captured 


. *""*T hav^ fubjoined, as an appendix to this book, "an 
•* Hiftorical Account of the Conliitution of Jamaica," hy a 
late Chief Governor of diftinguiihed abilities, wherein the 

{mniculars of Lord Carliile's adminiftration are detailed at 
arge. — ^This hiftoricai account is now publifhed for the firft 
time, and cannot fail of proving extremel/ acceptable to the 


B O O K the ifland, carried with th^m as their birth-right, 
II. the law of England as it then flood; but much of 
the Englifh law was inapplicable to the fituation 
and condition of the new colonifls; and it wa^ 
contended that they had no right to any ftatute 
of the Britifli parliament, which had palTed fub- 
fcquent to their emigration, unlefsits prbvifions 
were fpecially extended to the colony by name. 
The courts of judieature within the Iflaiid, had . 
however, from neceflity, admitted many fuch 
fiatutes to be pleaded, and grounded feveral 
judgments and important determinations upon 
them ; and the aflembly had pafled bills adopting 
feveral of the Englifh ftatutes which dia not 
otherwife bind the ifland j but feveral of thofe 
bills, when fent home for the royal confirmation, 
and thofe judgments and determinations of the 
courts of law, when brought by appeal before 
the king and council, though not dil'allowed, re« 
mained unconfirmed; and in this unfettled ftate, 
the affwrs of Jamaica were fuffcred to i^main for , 
the fpace of mty years. ^ 

The true caule of fuch inflexibility on the part 
of the crown, was no other than the old ftory of 
revenue. For the purpofe, as it was pretended, 
of defraying the expence of ere6ling and repair- 
ing fortifications, and for anfwering fome other 
tmblic contingencies, the jniniflers of Charles II. 
had procured, as hath been obferved, frcrm the 
aflembly of Barba(^oes, and indeed from mofl of 
the other Britifli Wefl Indian colonies, the grant 
of a perpetual internal revenue. The rcfufal of 
Jamaica, to concur in a fimilar eflablifliment, the 
punifhment provided for her contumacy, and the 
means of her deliverance, have been already flat- 
ed ; but it was found that the lenity of the crown 
in relinquifliing the fyflem of compulfion, was 
expedled to produce the eflfeft which oppreflion 




bad failed to accomplifh. The Englifh govern^ CHAP* 
ment claimed a return from the people of Jamai- III. 
ca, for having dropt an opprefliveand pernicious ^'-^nr^^ 
projeft, as If it had aftually conferred upon them 
a pofitive and permanent benefit ; a claim which 
all the Britifh minifters, from the reftoration of 
King Charles to the reign of George II. very cor- 
dially juftified. 

The affembly however remained unconvinced. 
Among other objedlions, they pleaded that the 
monejr granted by the Ifland of Barbadoes was . 
notorioufly appropriated to purpofes widely dif- 
ferent froih thofe for which it was exprefsly giv- 
en ; and they demanded fome pledge or fecurity 
againft a fimilar mifapplication ; in cafe they 
fhould fubjeft their country to a permanent and 
irrevocable tax. The minifters refiifed to give 
any fatisfa£lion in this particular; and finding 
the affembly were equally refolute to pafs their 
fupply bills from year to year onljr, asufual, ad- 
vifed the fovercign, from a fpint of vindi<ftive 
policy, to wave the confirmation of the laws, and 
to fuffer the adminiftration of juftice in the ifland, 
to remain on the precarious footing that I have 

Such was. the aAual fituation of Jamaica until 
the year 1728, when a compromife was happily 
efieaed. In that year the affembly confented to 
fettle on the crown a ftanding irrevocable revenue 
of ^.8,000 per annum, on certain conditions, to 
which the crown agreed, and of which the fol- 
lowing are the principal : 

ift.That the quit-rents arifing within the if- 
tand (then eftimated at /. 1,460 per annum) ^ 
ihould conftitute a part ofliich revenue. 2dly. 
That the body of their laws ftiould receive the 
royal affent. And, 3dly. That " all fuch laws 
^ and ftatutes of En^and, as had been at any 

** time 

BOOK " .tinieefteemed, introduced, ufed, accepted , or 
IL " received, as laws in theiflaiid, fhouldbeand 
" continue laws of Jamaica for ever*" The re- 
venue aft, with this important declaration there- 
in, \\ as accordingly padcd, and its confirmation, 
by the king, put an end to a conteft no lefs dif- 
graceful to the government at home, than iiyuri- 
ous to the people within the ifland, 

I have thu3 endeavoured, with as much brevi- 
ty as the fubjeft would admit, to trace the poli^ 
tical conftitution of Jamaica from infancy to ma^ 
lurity ; but although its parentage and princi- 
ples areBritifh, its outward form has been modi^ 
lied and regulated by various unforefeen events, 
and local circumftances. In its prefent appear- 
ance, and aftual exercife, however, it fo nearly 
jrefembles the fyftem of government in the other 
Britifh Weft Indian iflands, that one general de- 
fcription (which I referve for a fubfequent part 
of my work) will comprehend the whole. A mi- 
nute detail of local occurrences and internal po- 
litics, would not, I prefume, be interefting to th« 
general reader*. 

• In the year 1687 Chriftopher Duke of Alkermarle was 
appointed chief governor of Jamaica. This nobleman wa S the 
only furviving fon and heir of general Monk, who had reftor- 
ed Charles II. and I mention him principally as exhibiting a, 
ihrikinginftance of the inilability of human greatnefs. Th^ 
father had been gratified with the highefl rewards that a fove- 
reign could bedow on a fubjed ; a dukedom, the garter, and 
a princely fortune ; and the ion, reduced to beggary by vice and 
extravagance, was driven to the neceiHty of imploring bread 
from Japies II. The king, to be freed Arom his ipportunit 
ties, {gave him the government of Jamaica ; where, dying 
chlldlefs, a fliort time after his arrival, his honours were ex- 
tinguifhed with his life. The noble Duke lived lohg enough 
however to colled a coniiderable fum df money for his crwii- 
tors; fsr entering into partnerfhip with Sir William PJupps, 
who had difcovered the wreck of a Spanifh Plate ihip, wmch 
had been Aianded in 1659, on a fboal to the nortn«cafl of 

.* ' Hifpaniola, 


•WEST I N D I E S. 173 

Hilpaniola, thty fent out floops from jahiaica, provided with CHAP, 
•^fkilhil divers, to fearch for the hidden treafure, and are faid III. 
to have actually recovered t^nty-li< tons of filver. The ^ 
conduct of this noble governor on his arrival, affords many 
curious inftances of the arbitrary principles of the times; 
•among others, the following is not the lea ft remarkably. 
—•Having called an affembly, his grace difiblved them abrup- 
]y, becaufe one of the members, in a debate, repeated the old 
ndlAge, Jaiitt fopuii faprema lex. His grace atfterwards took thb 
member into cuttody, and caiifed him to be fined £»6oo for 
this ofltence. With his gracp came over Father Thomaft 
Churchill, a Romiih pallor, fent out by James IL to con- 
vert the illand to popery; but his grace's death, and the revo* 
lution in ifS9, blafted the good father's projeA. The 
Duchefs acc6hipanied her^iuiband; a circumfta nee which the 
fpeaker of the alTembly in his firil addrefs expatiated upon 
in a 4iieh drain of eloouence; '* It is an honour (faid he) 
which the opuleht kingdoms of Mexico and Peru could never 
arrive at, andevMC&mmbui't gbofi would hi appeafedfor nil the 
mdignitiei he endured of the Spaniards^ could he but knoko that hit 
onvn beloved foil was hallowed by fuchfootjleps /" Their Honours 
of the G>uncil could not have gone farther. 

In the month of June 1692, happened that tremendous 
earthquake which fwallowed up great part of Port KoyaL A 
delcription of it, dreadfully mihute, may be found in the 
Philolophical Tranfa<flions; but it is not generally known 
that the town was chiefly built on a bank of fand, adhering 
to a rock in the lea, and that a very flight conculHon, aided 
by the weight of the buildings, would probably have accom- 
plifhedits £ftru<flion. I am inclined therefore to fiJpeA that the 
defcription of the fhock is much exaggerated. The inhabi- 
tants were fcarcely recovered from the terrors occafloned by 
the earthquake, when they were alarmed with an account of 
an intended Invafion by an armament from Hifpaniola, com- 
manded by Monf. Du Caffe, the governor of that illand, \m 
perfon. Accordingly, on the 17th of June 1694, ^ fleet of 
three loen of war and v^tnxj privateers (having on board 
1,500 land forces) appeared off Cow Bay, where eight bun- 
dled of the foldiers were landed, with orders to delolate the 
country as far as Port Morant. Thefe barbarians obeyed 
their inftm^ions to the full extent. — ^They not only fet fire 
to every fettlement they came to, but tortured their prifoners 
in the moll Ihocking manner, and murdered great numbers 
in a>14 bipod, after making them behold the violation of 
^eir wives by their own negroes. Such at lealt is the account 
tranfmitted by Sir William Beefton, the governor, to the fe- 
crctary of Ikate. Unfortunately^ the militia of this part of 



BO O K tlie country Kad been drawn off to gua^ the capital ; vherebT" 
II. tlie French continued their ravages without refiftance, and 
^ having fet fire to all the plantauons within their reach, and 
feized about one thoufand negroes^ Du CaiTe failed to lee- 
wardy and anchored in Carliile Bay, in the parifh of Vere. 
This place had no other fortification than an ill contrived 
breaft-work, manned by a detachment of two hundred men 
firom the militi« of St. Elizabeths and Clarendon, which Du 
Cafle attacked with all his force. The EngUih made a gaji«> 
lant refinance; but Colonel Cleyborn, Lieutenant Colonel 
Smart, Captain VafTal, and Lieutenant Dawkins being killed, 
and many others dangerpuily wounded, they were compelled 
.to retreat* Happily, at this moment, arrived ^vt compaaict 
cif militia, which they governor had fent to their afliftance 
from Spanifh-town. Thefe, though thgy had marched thirty 
miles without refrefhment, immediately charged th^ enemjr 
with fiich vigour, as entirely to change the fortune of the day. 
The French retreated to their ftips, and Du Cafle foon after* 
wards returned to Hifpaniola i^h his ill-gotten booty. 






Situafion.'''^*Climate*-'^^^Face of the Country.-*-^ 
MwntainSy and advantages derived from them. 
— SoiL'-^Lands in Culture ./"-^Lands uncuUi^- 
vatedy and obfcrvations thereon.^'^-^Woods and 
Timbers.— ^Rivers and Medicinal ^P^^^Z^*"^ 
Ores.— Vegetable Clajfes.— Grain. — Grafts.— 
Kitchen-garden produce y and Fruits for the Ta- 
ble, &c. £^c. 

J AM AT C A is fitnated in the Atlantic Oceaa, 
about four thoufand miles fouth-wefl of £Qg- 
land. It has the ifland of Hifpaniola, at the 
diftance of thirty leagues^ to the eaft : The Ifland 
of Cuba, about the lame diftance, to the north : 
The Gulph of Honduras to the weft ; and Car* 
thag^na, ou the great continent of South America^ 
to the Sooth, diftant one hundred and forty- 
five leagues. 

The center of Jamaica lies in about i8* iz\ 
north latitude, and in longitude about 76'' 45' 
weft from London. From thefe data the geogra- 
phical reader will perceive that the climate, al- 
though tempered and greatly mitigated by vari- 
ous caufes, fome of which will be prefently ex- 
plained, is extremely hot, with little variation 
from January to December; that the days and 
nights are nearly of equal duration; there beii^ 
little more than two hours difference between 
the longeft day and the ftioneft ; that there is 
very little twilight; and finally, that when it is 


176 H I S T O R Y F T H E 

Book twelve o'clock at noon in London, it is about 
U. feven in the morning in Jamaica. 

The general appearance of the country dif* 
fers greatly from nioft parts of Europe; yet the 
north and fouth fides of the ifland, which are 
feparated by a vafl chain of mountains extend- 
ing from eaft to weft, differ at the- fame time 
widely from each other. When Columbus firft 
difcovered Jamaica, he approached- it on the 
northern fide; and beholding that part of the 
country which now.conftitutes the parilh of St. 
Anne, was filled with delight and admiration at 
the novelty, variety, and beaut v of the profpeft. 
The whole of the fcenery is indeed fuperlatively 
fine, nor can words alone (at leaft any that I can 
feleft) convey a juft idea of it. A few leadinc 
particulars I may perhaps be able to point Out, 
but their combinations are infinitely various, 
and to be underftood muft be feen. 

The country at a fmall diftance from the fhore 
rifes into hiUs, which are mord remarkable for' . 
beauty than boldnefs; being all of gentle ac- 
cjivity, and commonly feparated' from each 
other by fpadous vales and rotaantic inequali^ 
ties; but they are feldom craggy, nor is the 
trahfition from the hills to the vallies often- 
times abrupt, tn general, the hand of nature 
has rounded every hill towards the top with fin- 
gular felicity. The moft ftrikilig circumftanccs' 
attending thefe beautiful fwells are the happv 
difpofition of the groves of pimento, with whien 
moft of them are fpontaneoufly clothed, and the 
confuramate verdtire of the turf underneath, 
which is difcoverable in a thoufand openings; 
prefenting a charming contraftto the deepiir^nts 
of the pimento. As this tree, which isho^ Iq^s 
remarkable for fragrancy than beautv, fuffcrs ncf^ 
rival plant to flourifh within its ftiade, theCi 



groves are not only clear of underwood, but CHAP, 
even the grafs beneath is feldom luxuriant. The jy^ 
foil in general being a chalky marl, which pro- *^ 
duces a clofe and clean turf, as fmooth and even 
As the fined Engliih lawn, and in colour infinite- 
ly brighter. Over this beautiful furface the pi- 
mento fpreads itfelf in various compartments. 
In one place, we behold extenfive groves; in 
another, a number of beautiful groups, foipe of 
which crown the hills, while others are fcattered 
down the declivities. To enliven the fcene, and 
add perfedlion to beamy^ the bounty of nature 
has copioufly watereq the whole diftrift. No 
part of^the Weft Indies, that I have feen, abounds 
with fo many delicious ftreams. Every valley 
has its rivulet, and every hill its cafcade. In 
one point of view, where the rocks overhang the 
ocean, no lefsthan eight tranfparent waterfalls 
are beheld in the fame moment. Thofe only 
who have been long at fea, can judge of the 
emotion which is felt by the thirlly voyager at (6 
enchanting a profpefl. 

Such is the foreground of the pifture. As 
the land rifes towards the centre of the ifland, 
the eye, paffing over the beauties that I have re- 
counted, is attrafted by a boundlefs amphitheatre 
of wood, 

Infuperable height of loftieft fhade, 
Cedar; and branching palm: 

An immenfity of foreft; the outline of which 
melts into the diftant blue hills, and thefe again 
are loft in the clouds. 

. On the fouthem fide of the ifland, the fcene- 
ry, as I have before obferved, is of a different 
nature. In the landfcape we have treated o^ 
the prevailing charaderiftics are variety and 
beauty: in that which remains, the predominant. 
^ Vql. I. ' N ifeatu^^ 


BOOK features are grandeur and fublimity. When I 
II. firft approached this fide of the iflandby fea, and 
' beheld, from a&r, fuch of the fhipendous and 
foaring ridges of the blue mountains, as the clouds 
here and there difclofed, the iinagination (form- 
ing an indiftinft but awfiil idea of what was con- 
cealed, by what was thus partially difplayed) was 
filled witn admiration and wonder. Yet the fen- 
fation which I felt was allied rather to terror 
than delight. Though the profpeft before me 
was in the highefV degree magnihcent, it feemed 
a fcene of magnificent defolation. The abrupt 
precipice and inacceflible cliff, had more the 
afpeft of a chaos than a creation ; or rather feem- 
ed to exhibit the effefts of fome dreadful convul- 
fion, which had laid nature in ruins. Appear- 
ances however improved as we approached ; for 
amidft ten thoufand bold features, too hard tabe 
foftened by culture, many a fpot was foon dif- 
covered wnere the hand of induftry had awaken- 
ed life and fertility. With thefe pleafing inter- 
mixtures, the flowing line of the lower range of 
mountains (which nowbegantobevifible, crown- 
ed with woods of majeftic growth) combined to 
foften and relieve the rude folemnity of the lo& 
tier eminences ; till at length the favannas at the 
bottom met the fight. Thefe are vaft plains^ 
clothed chiefly with extenfive cane fields; dif-< 
playing, in all the pride of cultivation, the ver-i^ 
dure of fpring blended with the exuberance of au- 
tumn, and bounded only by the ocean; on whofe 
bofom a new and'^ver-moving pidure ftrikcs the 
eye; for innumerable vefTels are difcovered in 
various directions, fome crowding into, and others 
bearing away from, the bavs and harbours with 
which the coaft is every wnere indented. Such 
a profped of human ingenuity and induftrjr, em- 
ployed in exchanging the iuperfluities of the 


WE ST, INDIE 8., ' i79 

Old World, for the prodtidion3 of the New, CHAP. 
Opens another, and, I might add, an almofl un- ^^* 
trodden field, for contemplation and rcfleftion. 

Thus the mountains of the Weft Indies, if 
not, in themfelves, objeds of perfeft beauty, con- 
tribute greatly towards the beauty of general 
nature; and furely the inhabitants cannot refle*^ 
but with the deepeft fenfe of gratitude to di- 
vine ProvideiMre, on the variety of climate, fo 
conducive to health, Terenity ana pleafure, which 
thefe elevated regions afford them. On this fub^* 
jed I fpeak from aftual experience- In a mari- 
timie fituation, oa the fultry plains of the fouth 
fide, near the town of Kingfton, wjhkere I chiefly 
reiided during the fpace of fourteen years, the 
general medium of heat during the hotteft months 
(from June to November, Ixnh inclufive) was 
eighty degrees oh Fahrenheit's thermometer*. 
At a villa eight miles diftant, in the highlands of 
Liguanea, the thermometer feldom rofe, in the 
hotteft part of the day, above feventy. Here then 
was a diflference of ten d^rees in eight miles; 
and in the morning and evening the difference 
was much greater. At Cold Spring, the feat of 
Mr^ Wallen, a vtxy high fituation fix miles fur* 
iher in the country, pofiefTed by a gentleman who 
has tafte torelifh itd beauties and •improve its 
produdlions, the general ftate of the thermome- 
ter is from 55 to 65"*. It has been obferved fo 
low as 44^; fo that a fire there, even at noon day^ 
is not only comfortable but necefTary a great 
N 2 part 

'* In the otker montlis, vis. from December to Ma/, the 
tbernKMBCter raages from 70 to 8o^. The night air in the 
nonths of December and January if fometlmes furprifinglj 
€Oq1 : I have known the thermometer fo low at fun-rife as 69^, 
tven in the town of Kingfton ; but in the hotteft months, the 
difference between the temperature of ^o9n da/ and midnight 
b not more than $ or 6^« ^ 



BOOK part of the year*. It may be fuppofed, that 
J^^^ a fiidden tiianfition from the hot atmofphere of 
^ the plains, to the chill air of the higher regions, 
is. commonly produdive of mifchievous effefls 
on the human frame; but this, I believe, is fel- 
dom the cafe, if the traveller, as prudence dic- 
tates, fets off at the dawn of the morning (when 
the pores of the fkin are in fome meafure fhut) 
and is cloathed fomewhat warmer than ufual. 
With thefe precautions, cxcurfions into the up- 
lands are always found fafe, falubrious, and de- - 
lightfiil. I will obferve too, in the words of an 
agreeable writer f, that " on the tops of high 
mountains, where the air is pure and refined, and 


* Cold Spring ia 4,200 feet above the level of the fea« The 
foil is a black mouUI on a brown marl; but few or none of 
the tropical fruits will flourifh in fo cold a climate. Neither 
the nelDerry, the avocado pear, the ftar apple, nor the orange, 
will bear within a confiderable height of Mr. Wallen's gar- 
den; but many of the Englifh' fruits, as the apple, the peach, 
and the ftrawberrjr, flourim there in great jperfefiion, with fe-- 
veral other valuable exotics; among which I obferved a great 
number of ver3F fine plants of the tea-tree atid other oriental 
productions. The ground in its native ftate is almoft entirely^ 
covered with different forts of theyim, of which Mr. Wallem 
has reckoned about 400 diftin^ fpecies. A perfon vifiting, 
Cold Spring for the firil time, almoft conceives himfelf tmn^ 
ported to a diftant part of the world; the air and face of the 
country fo widely differing from that of the regions he hat 
left. Even th« birds are aU ftrangers to him. Among odiers, 
peculiar to thefe lo% region^ is a foeciet of the fwaUow^thd 
plumage of which varies in colour likt the neck of a drake; 
and there is a very fine fong bird called thej^^yr, of a black- 
ifh brown, with a white ring round the neck. I vifited thi^ 
place in December 1788, the Uiermometer flood at 57* at fuxji- 
rife, and never exceeded 64^ in the hottefl part of the day* 
I thought the climate the mofl delightful that I had ever expe- 
rienced. On the Blue Mountain peak, which is 7,451 fee|; 
from the level of the fea, the thermometer was found to ra^ge 
from 47° at fun-rife to 58® at noon, even in the month gf 
Au^uft. See Med. Comment. Eding. 1780. 
\ Brydone. ' ' - * 

WEST IN DI £ S., Iff 

where there is not that immenfe weight of grofs CHAP. 
vapours preffing upon the body, the mind ads ^ ^^1 
with greater freedom, and all the fundlions, both 
of foul and body, are performed in a fuperior 
manner.'* I wifh I could add, with the fame au- 
thor, that " the mind at the fame time leaves all 
low and vulgar fentiments behind it, and in ap- 
proaching the etherial regions, ihakes off it's 
earthly affedions, and acquires fomething of ce* 
leftial purity !" 

To thefe inequalities of its furface, however, 
it is owing that although the foil in many parts 
of this ifland is deep ^nd very fertile, yet the 
quantity of rich produftive land, is but fmall, 
in proportion to the whole. The generality of 
what has been cultivated is of a middling qua- 
lity, and requires labour and manure to make it 
yield liberally. In fine, with every prejudice in 
Its favour, if we compare Jamaica with maAy 
other iflands of nearly the fame extent, (Sicily, 
for inftance, to which it was compared by Co- 
lumbus) it muft be pronounced an unfruitful and 
laborious country, as the following detail will 

Jamaica is one hundred and fifty miles in 
length, and on a medium of three meafurements 
at dilFereat places, about forty miles in breadth. 
Thefe data, fuppoftng the ifland to have been a 
level country, would give 3,840,000 Acres. 

But a great part confifling 
of high mountains, the fu- 
perficies of which comprifc 
far more land than the bafe 
alone, I conceive it is a mo- 
derate eflimate to allow on 
that account A more, which is 240,009 

The Total is - - 4,080,000 Acres. 



BOOK Of thefe, it is fontid by a rcram of the dcrk 
n. of the patents, that no more than 1,907,589, 
were, in NoTembcr 1789, located, or taken up, 
by grants from the crowp. Thus it appears that 
upwards of one half the lands are confideted 
as of no kind of value, the expence of taking 
oiit a patent being of no great account ; and even 
of the located lands, I conceive that little more 
-than one million is at prefentin cultivation. 

In fuear plantations, (including the land re* 
fcrved lor the purpofe of fupplying ftaves, tim^* 
ber, and fire-wood; or appropriatea for common 
paftura^e, all which is commonly two-thfaxls of 
each pfaQtation) the number of acres may be 
ftated at 639,000 ; it appearing that the precifq 
number of thofe eftatcs, according to returns made 
upon oath to March 1789, was 710, and an al-* 
lowance of 900 acres to each, on an average 
of the whole, muft be 4e^nied fufficiently libe* 

Of breeding farms (or, as they are commonly 
called in the iflaiid, pens) the number is about 
400 ; to each of whii:h I wil) allow 700 acres^ 
which gives 280,000, and no perfon who has in- 
fpefted the coujatry with an inquifitive eye, will 
allow to all the minor produdions, as (otton, cof> 
fee, pimento and ginger, &c* including even the 
provifion plantations, more than one half the 
extent affigued to tho pens. The refult of the 
whole is 1,059,000 acres, \<2csf\xs% upwards of 
three million an unimproved, unproductive wil- 
dernefs, of which not more than one fourth part 
is, I imagine^ fit for any kind of profitable cul- 
(ivation ; great part of the interior country be 
ing both imprafticable and inacceljible. 

But, notwithftanding that fo great a part of 
thi3 ifland is wholly unimprovable, yet (I'uch is 
the powerful influence of great hc^t and conti- 

W ES T I N D lES. ijj 

nual moifture) the mountains are in general co- CHAP, 
vered with extenfive woods, containing excellent ^^ 
timbers, fome of which are of prodigious growth ^ 
and folidity ; fuch as the lignum vitse, dog- wood, 
iron-wood, pigeon-wood, green-heart, brazilet* 
to, and bully-trees ; moft of which fink in v/ater, 
and are of a compadnefs and impenetrability in- 
conceivable by European workmen. Some of 
thefe are neceflary in mill- work, and would be 
highly valuable in the Windward Iflands. They 
are even fo, in fuch parts of Jamaica as, having 
been: long cultivated, arc nearly cleared of con- 
tiguous woods ; but it frequently happens, in the 
interior parts, that the new fettler finds the abun- 
dance of them an incumbrance inftead of a be- 
nefit, and having provided himfelf with a fuffi- 
ciency for immediate ufe, fets fire to the reft, 
inoracr to clear his lands, it not anfwering the 
expence of conveying them to the fea-coaft for 
the purpofe of fending them to a diftaut mar- 
ket. Of fofter kinds, for boards and fliingles, 
the fpecies are innumerable ; and there are many 
beautiful varieties adapted for cabinet-work, 
among others the bread-nut, the wildrlemon, and 
the welUknown mahogany. 

As the country is thus abundantly wooded, fo, 
on the whole, if^e may affert it to be well wa- 
tered. There are reckoned throughout its extent 
above one hundred rivers, which take their rife 
in the mountains, and run, commonly with great 
rapidity, to the fea, on both fides ot the ifland. 
Jlone of them are deep enough to be navigated 
by marine veffels. Black River in St. Elizabeth, 
flowing chiefly through a level country, is the 
deepeft and gentleft, and admits flat-bottomed 
boats and canoes for about thirty miles. 

Of the fprings, which every wliere abound, 
even in the higheft mountains, fome are medi- 


BpOKcinal: and are faid to be highly efficacious im 
^^* diforaers peculiar to the climate, The moft re- 
^ ' markable of thefe, is found in the eaftern parifh 
pf St, Thomas, and the fame of it has created 
9 village in its neighbourhood, whi^h is called the 
Bath. The water flows out of a rocky mountain, 
about a mile diftant, and is too hot to admit a 
hand being held underneath : a thermometer on 
Fahrenheit's fcale, being immerfed iu a glaft or 
this water, immediately rofetoi23% It is ful- 
phureous, ai^d has beeu ufed with great advan- 
tage in that dreadful difeafe of the climate called 
the dry-bell y-ach, There are other fprings, 
both fulphureous and chalybeate, in different 
\ parts of the country; of .which however the pro* 
perties- are but little knpwnto tl^e inhabitants in 

In many p v^s of Jamaica there is a great appey- 
ance of metals ; and it is affened by Blome, and 
other e^ly writers, that the Spaniih inhabitants 
had miues both of filver and copper : I believe 
the faft. But the induftry of the prefent pofTef- 
ifors is perhaps more profitably exerted on the • 
furface of the earth, than by digging into its 
boweU. A lead mine was indeed opened fome 
years ago, near to the Hope eflate, in the parifh 
of St. Andrew, and it is faid, there was no 
want of ore, but the high price of labour, or 
other paufes with whiph I am unacquainted^ 
compelled the proprietors to relinquiih their 

Of the moll important of the prefent natural 
produftigns, as fugar, indigo, coffee and cotton, 
1 fhall have occafion to treat at large, when the 
pourfe of my work fhall bring me to the fubje^ 
of agriculture. It oply remains therefore, at pre- 
fent, to fubjoin a few obfervations on the vege- 
tjible clafTes of inferior order: I mean thofe which, 


W E S T I N D I E S. Its 

though not of equal commercial importance with G H A P, 
the preceding ones, are equally jieceffary to the IV, 
comfort and fubfiftence of the inhabitants. If 
the reader 13 incUaed to botanical tefearches, he 
is referred to the voluminous coUedtiopsof Sloanc 
^d Browne* 

The feveral fp^cies of grain cultivate in this 
ijlandar^ ift. Maize, orlndian com, which com* 
monly produces two crops in the year, and fome- 
times three : it may be planted at ?iny time wheij 
there is raiQ, and it yields accordi];ig to the foil 
from fi fteen to forty buftiels the acre* adly. Gui- 
Hey corp, which produces but one crop in the 
year; it is planted in the month of September, 
and gathered in January following, yielcling from 
thirty to fixty buftiels an acre. sdly. Various 
kinds of calavances (a fpecies of pea); and Uftly 
rice, but in no great quantity, the fituation pro- 
per for its growth being deemed unhealthy, and 
the labour of negroes Commonly employed ia 
the cultiv^tip^i of articles that yield greater pro* 

This ifland abounds Ulcewif<^ with different 
kinds of grafs, both native and extraneoui^, of 
excellent quality ; of the firft is made exceeding 
good hav, but not in ^reat abundance ; this me- 
thod of hulbandry beyig pradlifed only in a few 
parts of the country; and it is the lefs necef- 
fary as the inhabitants are happily accommodated 
with two different kii^ds of artificial grafs, both 
extreqiely valuable, and yielding great profufion, 
of food tor cattle. The firft is an aquatic plant 
adled Scofs grujsy which though generally fup- 
pofed to be an exotic, Ihave reafon to think grows 
fpontaneoufty in moft of the fwamps and mo- 
rafles of the Weft-Indies. It rifes to five or fix 
feet in height, with long fucculent joints, and is 
9f very quick vegetation. From a fingle acre of 



BOOK ^^^ plant, five horfes may be maintained a whole 
IL year, allowing fifty-fix pounds of grafs a-day to 

v-^-y^^ each. 

The other kind, called Guihey-grafs, may be 
confidered as next to the fugar-cane, in point of 
importance ; as mod of the grazing and brewing 
farms or peA throughout the ifland, were origi* 
na|ly created, and are ftill fupported, chie6y 
by means of this invaluable' herbage. Hence the 
plenty of homed cattle both for the butcher and 
planter ; which is fuch that few markets in Eu- 
rope fumifh beef at a cheaper rate, or of better 
ouality than thofe of Jamaica: Perhaps the fet- 
tlement of moft of the north-fide parifhes is 
wholly owing to the introdudlion of this excellent 
grafs, which happened by accident about fifty 
years ago ; the feeds havmc been broiight from 
the coaft of Guiney as food for fome birds which 
were prefented to Mr. Ellis, chief-juftice of the 
liland. Fortunately the birds did not live to 
confume the whole ftock, and the remainder be- 
ing carelefsly thrown into a fence, grew and fiou- 
rilhed, and it was not long before the eagemefs 
difplayed by the cattle to reach the grafs, attraA- 
ed Mr. Ellis's notice, and induced him to colled 
and propagate the feeds ; which now thrive in 
fome of the raofl rocky parts of the ifland ; be- 
fiowing verdure and fertility on lands which 
otherwife would not be worth cultivation. 

The feveral kinds of kitchen-garden produce, 
as edible roots and^pulfe, which are known in 
Europe, thrive alfo iti the mountains of this if- 
land ; and the markets of Kingfton and Spanifb- 
Town are fupplied with cabbages, lettuce, car- 
rots, turnips, parfnips, artichokes, kidney-beans, 
green-peas, afparagus and various forts of Euro- 
pean herbs, in the utmoft abundance. Some of 
them (as the three firft) arc I think of fuperior 



flavour to the fame kiads^ produced in England. CHAP. 
To mv own tafte however, feveral of the native IV. 
growtns, efpecially the chocho, ochra, Lima-bean, ^ 
and Indian-kale^ are more agreeable than any of 
the efculent vegetables of Europe. The other 
indigenous produdions of this cla|b are plan- 
tains, bananas, yams of feveral varieties, csdalue 
(a fpeciesof fpinnage) eddoes, caflTavi, and fweet 
potatoes, A mixture of thefe, ftewed with falted 
fifh or falted meat of any kind, and highly fea* 
foned with Cayenne-pepper, is a favourite olio 
among the negroes. For bread, an unripe roafted 
plantain is an excellent fubftitute, and univer* 
fally preferred to it by the negroes and moft of 
the native whites. It may in truth be called the 
ftaff of life to the former; many thoufand acres 
being ailtivat<»d in different parts of the country 
for their daily fupport ** 

Of the more elegant fruits, the variety is equal* 
led only by their excellence. Perhaps no coun- 
try on earth affords fo magnificent a defert; and 
I conceive that the following were fpontaneoufly 
bdlowed on the ifland by the bounty pf nature ; 
-—the annana orpine-apple, tamarind, papaw^ 
guava, fweet-fop of two fpecies, calhew-apple, 
cufiard-apple (a fpecies of chirimoyaf) coco-nut, 
ftar-apple, grehadilla, avocado-pear, hog-plum 
and its varieties, pindal-nut, nefbury^ mammee, 
mammee-fapot a> Spanifh-goofberry, prickly-pear, 
and perhaps a few others. For the orange, civil 


* This fruit, though introduced into Hifpaniola at a verf 
early period, wa$ not originally a native of the Weft Indies: 
it was carried thither from the Canary iftands by ITiomas de 
Berlan^a, a friar, in the year 1516. The banana is afpeciea 
•£ the lame fruiu 

t This fruit is the boaft of South America, and is reckon- 
ed by Ulloa one of the finett in the world. I have been in- 
formed that feveral plants of it are flourifliing in Mr. Eaft's 
princely garden, at the ^oot of the Liguanea mountaina. 


BOOK and chioa, the lemon, lime, (haddock and its nu* 
J^ merous fpecies, the vine, melon, fig and pome- 
' granate, the Weft India iflands wercprobaDiy in^ 
debted to their Spanifh invaders. Excepting the 
ftrawberry and a few of the growths of European 
orchards (which however attain to no great perT 
fedion unlefs in the higheft mountains) the rofe* 
apple, genip, and fome others of no gr^t value, I 
do not believe that Englifh induftry had added 
much to the catalogue, until within the laft twen- 
ty years. About the year 1773 a botanic garden 
^as eftabliihed under the fandion of the AflTem- 
bly, but it was not until the year 1 782 that it could 
juftly boaft of many valuable exotics. At that 
period, the fortune of war having thrown into the 
pofleflion of Lord Rodney a French (hip bound 
from the ifland of 3purbon to Cape Francois in 
St. Domingo, which wa^ found to have on board 
fome plants of the genuine cinnamon, the mango 
land pthfsr oriental produftions, his lordlhip, 
£rom that generous partiality which he always 
manifefted for Jamaica and its inhabitants, pre- 
fented the plants to his favourite ifland ; — ^thus 
nobly ornamenting and enriching the country his 
valour had prote&ed from conqueft. Happily, 
the prefent was not ill beftowed ; the cinnamon 
may now be faid to be naturalized to the country. 
Several perfons are eftablifliing plantations of it, 
and one gentleman has fet out fifty thoufand 
plants. The mango is become almoft as common 
as the orange ; but for want of attention runs into 
a thoufand feminal varieties. Some of them, to 
my tafte, are perfedlly delicious. 

I ihall conclude this chapter, with an authentic 
catalogue of the foreign plants in the public bota- 
nical garden of this ifland ; lamenting, at the fame 
time, that I am not able to gratinr the reader 
with a more copious and extenfive aifplay, from 




ti\e magnificent orchard of my late fiflend ICnton CHAP. 
Eaft, Efquire, who had promifed to favour me ^V. 
with an Hortus Eajlenfis^ to be prepared under' 
his own immediate infpd^ion purpofely for this 
work ; — ^but much greater room have I to lament 
the caufe of mj difappointment, and mourn over 
the feverity ot that late which fuddenly {hatched 
a moil amiable, and excellent citizen fropi his 
friends and the public, and hurried him to an un* 
timely grave.— Such is the vanity of hope» and 
the uncertainty of life * ! 

* Miv Eaft died in April 179a. Hit botanical garden* at 
the feot of the Liguanea inountains, in St. Andrew's parifh; 
is perhans the moft magnificent eftabliflunent of the kind in 
the world. A catalogue of its content! I have the pleafiire to 
hear is preparing for the prefs bj Dodor Broughton« a verf 
eminent and learned phjrncian and botanift, now refiding im 
Jamaica. * ' 






' IN iTHfi 

Botanical Garden of Jamaica, 1 79 a* 



OrientahAfricany and South-fea Tre&s^ Shrubs, &c^ 

Laurus. Cinnanuh J^ASSE Coronde, or 

tnytn. true Cevlon Cin- 

namon. The fpeci- 
m6ns of JamaicaCin- 
namon fern to Great 
Britain' have been 
deemed equal, if not 
fuperior, tothebeft 
, Ceylon Cinnamon. 

Mangifera. Indica. Mango-Tree, fereral 

JrtocarpMs. Macrocar* Jaacky a fpecies of the 
fon. Bread Fruit;^n/^Dif- 




fertation of Thum- CHAP. 

berg,, for the vari- IV. 

OU8 ufes of the Jaack 

aad Bread Fruit. 
Garcinia ? A fuppofed fpecies of 

Pandanus Chinefc Hemp Palm. 

$pmdtas Otaheite Plumb, 

Guilandina Moringa Moringa, root vSed fyt 

horie-radifh ; faud^ 

but crroneoufly, to 
^ be the Lignum N§* 

fhriticum of the 

Mimofa Leheck Bois Noir, Oriental 


ff^ B. The foregoing Plana were taken in a French Pfke, 
bound from the lile of Bourbon to St. Dominso, and pre-, 

' fented to the Botanical Garden bj Lord Rodnejr; "which 
donation is commonorated hj the following infcription on 
an obeliflc in the Botanical Garden, eredwl for taat pur- 

I^riUuftri Viro 



Patriam Virtute ejus conCervatam 

Omare atq. ditare 



Phirelq. Stirpes Orientalet 

Quse hic vigent 

A. D. i7$2. 

Safifuius Edfilis 



La-tji^ or Lee^ku^ Chi- 
nefe Plumb. Intro- 
duced by Dr. Clark. 

Sagoe. Introduced by 
Dr. Clark. For an 
aecount of the cul- 
tivation andprepa* 


ration of the Sagoe, 
n)ide Forreft's Voy- 
age to N ew Guiney. 
^Croton f Sehiferum Tallow Tree. Firft in- 

troduced by Mr. 
Pinnock. Introduc- 
ed into the Garden 
by Dr. Clark. 
Mimofa Niloiicaf Gum Arabia, produces 

fine gum. Intro- 

duced by Dr. Clark. 

I II • ■! Another fpecies, faid to produce 

Gum Arabic. In- 
troduced by Mr. 
. - Eaft^ 

Morus Vnpyrifcra Paper Mulberry. In- 

J troduced by Dr. 

Clark. T/i^ Cook's 
'^ ^ '. . .Voyages, for an ac- 
icoynt of the man- 
ner in which paper 
and cloth are made 
from the bark of 
this tree. 
7huja , Occident alts Oriental Arhor Vitdt. 

Introduced by Dr. 
Clark. Firft intro- 
duced into the coun- 
try by Mr. Wallen^ 
Dracdna Ferrea Dragon Tree. IntKK 

duced by Dr. Clark. 
Hedyfarum Gyrans Moving Plant. Intro-i 

duced by Dr. Clark. 
TJiaa Viridis Tea. Firft introduced 

into the country by 

♦ Aa Crotou* 


Mr- Baker^ ieveral 
years ago; 

^ • .\^T^^^^ Chinefe Olive, 

t^e powers of whkh 
it is faid the b^^ 
teas-are fcented* Inr 
troduced by Mn 

n^pce An unknown Genus of Fruit from 

China* Sent to Dr. 
Dancer by Sir Jo- 
feph Banks, 1790. 

tkgo Biiob4) MaideAhaif Tree. A 

tree from Japan, pro- 
ducing an eiccellent 
• nut. See an account 

of it in Koempfer, 
Introduced by ^n 
Dancer, 1792* 

iaddphus j^ropu^tictisf Tea of the Circumna- 
, ^ vigators. Introduc- 

ed Ijy Mr. Eaft. 

frofidera Botany-Bay Spice 

Tree. Introduced 
by Dr. Dancer, 

^ 1792- 
us Similis Botany-Bay Plant. 

Seeas fenf to Dr. 

Dancer by Mr. Lee. 
mafa Heteroj^hylla Another Botany-Bay 

Plant. Seeds fent 

by Mr. Lee. 
i^kfia Sinuata Another Botany-Bay 

Plant. Introduced 

by Dr. Dancer, 

i^oL. I. O Kampferia 





BOOK Kampferia Galanga 

V- 11. 

Curcuma Longa 

Tip€r ' Nigrum 

GalangaL Medicihal 
Root. Introduced 
by Dr. Clark. 
Turmeric. Introduc- 
ed by Mr. Pinnock. 
Sumatra Black Pep- 
per. Sent by Dr. 
Anderfon from the 
Royal Garden at 
St. Vincent's, and 
prefented by Mr. 
Amomum ? Gr. Varadiji Grams of Paradife, or 

Guiney Pepper. In- 
troduced by Mr. 
Ilibbert, from A- 
,. frica. 

— ^ — Carddmomum Cardamom Seeds of 

the Shops. Intro- 
duced by Dr. Dan- 
cer, 1792. 
Cht. A valuable dye 
from the Eaft In- 
Another Eaft India 
dye. Seeds brought 
out by Lord Effing* 
^Citrus Mandarina Mandarine Orange. 

Introduced by Mr. 
An African Fruit, in- 
troduced bytheNc- 
time, called Bichey 
or Beflai. 


Oldenkndia Vmhllata 



Cola (gcH. nov.J Afficana 

* Citrus non g|?. 



Aka (gen. nov.J Africana Another African Fruit, 

introduced by the 

Adanfonia Digitata . BaobaS. J£thiopiaa 

Sour Gourd, or 
Monkey. Bread 
Fruit. Introduced 

Thomix Dadylifera Date. Probably intro- 

duced by perfona 
of the Jewifli Na- 

Elais Guiniehjis Palm Oil. Likewife 

introduced by the 

Mfchyndmene Grandifiora Choifeul Pea. Intro- 
duced by Mr. Ke- 

————— Sejban Selban. Introduced 

by Dr. Clark. 

Camellia ^aponica Japan Rofe. Intro- 

duced by Mr. Wal- 

Gardenia Florida Introduced firft by 

Mr. Wallen, after- 
Mrards by Dr. Clark. 
RoJaSintnfts Chinefe Rofe. Intro- 
duced by Mr. Pin- 
Mutabilis Changeable Rofe. 
Topxilneus Eaft India Mahoe. In- 
troduced by Mr. 
Syriacus Syrian Hibifcus. In- 
troduced by Dr. 
Dancer, 1792. 

Monfonia Speciojd Introduced by , Dr. 

Dancer, 179Z. 
O z . Rofa 




BOOK Rofa 

Alba Indicc 




mih , 

' Cajui 






\ Eaftlndia White Rofc. 

rntroduced by Mr. 

Introduced by Mr, 

Soft India Maftich. 

Introduced by Mr. 

Seeds brought out by 

Lord Effingham. 
From St. Vincent's 

Crotall. Introduced 

by Dr. Clark. 
ChinefeHemp. Seeds 

brought out by 

Lord Effingham. 

European and North American 
Trees, Shrubs, 9^c. 9^c. 

Qjicrcus Robur 




Englifti Oak. Intro- 
duced by Mr. Wal- 

Turkey Oak. Dr. 
Dancer, 1792. 

Chefnut. Firft intro- 
duced by Mr. Wal- 
len, feveral years 
ago; by Dr. Dancer, 

Chinquapip Chcfiiut; 

by Dr. Dajicer, 1 79Z* 


'^. ^y^ 








Orient alts 
















Oriental Plane. 

Dancer, 1792, 
Spaniih Plane. 

Dancer, 1792. 
Sycamore Maple. 
> Montpelier Maple. 
Sngar Maple. Intro- 
duced by Mr. Wal- 

Horfe Chefnnt. In* 

troduced by Dr. 

Daifcer, 1792. 
Dwarf Horfe Chefiiiit. 

Introduced by Mr. 

Walnut. Introduced 

by Mr. Wallen. 
Hiccory. By the fame. 
Hazle Nut. 
PeachTree. Introduce 

ed by Mr. Wallen. 
Almond. By the fame. 
Olive, Introduced by 

Mr. Wallen. 
Apple, feveral kinds. 

Introduced by vari- 

rious perfons. 
Qjiince. Introduced 

long ago by various 

Medlar. Introduced 

bv Mr. Wallen. 
Mulberry. Introduce 

ed long ago. 
White Mulberry. Pre- 

fentedbyMr. Loofe- 



Dr. CHAP. 



BOOK Ruius 











Calycanthus Fbridus 


l^afpberry, Introdac- 
ed by Mr. Baker, 
aud others^ 
^yhaticus Blackberry, two fpe- 
cies. Introduced by 
Mr. Wallen. 

Strawberry, feveral 
kinds. Mr, Wal- 
len, and others. 

Piftacia Nut, Intro- 
duced by Mr. Eaft. 

Bird Cherry. Intro- 
duced by br. Dan- 
cer, 1792. 

By Dr. Dancen 

Mfanna Afh. Intro- 
duced by DrXIark. 

Dwarf Elder. By thp 

Common Eld^r, In- 
troduced by Mr, 

Introduced by Mr. 

Gum Benjamin; by 
Dn Dancer, 1792. 

Carolina AUfpice. In-« 
troduced by Mr. 

Carob, or St. John's 
Bread. By the fame. 
Styraciflua Storax. By Dr. Dan- 
cer, 1792. 
Virginica Seeds fent tp Dr. Dan<^ 

cer, by Mr. Lee. 
TacatnahacalxktroAxit^ by Dr. 
Danper, 1792. 












Labdanif. Gum Ciftus. By Dr. CHAP. 
Dancer, 1792. IV. 

Cotinus Venus's Sumach. By 
Dr. Dancer, 1792. 

Radicans Poifon Oak. Ditto. 

Vernix Vamifti. Ditto. 

Sumach Sumach. Introduced 
by Mr. Eaft. 

AcuUat Introduced by Mr. 

Cerifera Candle-berry Myrtle. 
Introduced by Mr. 

Grandiflora Laurel-leaved Tulip. 
Introduced by Mr. 
Wallen, ana Dr. 

Glaucd. By Mr. Wallen. 
odcndrum Tulififera Tulip Tree. Intro- 

duced by Mr. Bar- 
nanthus Virginica Fringe Tree from 

North America. In- 
troduced by Dr. 
Dancer, 1792. 
i Tupelo Tupelo Tree from 

North America. In- 
troduced by Dr. 
Dancer, 1702. 

Siliquajl. Judas Tree. Dr. Dan* 
cer, 1792. 
Viburnum. Dr. Dan^ 








cer, 1792. 

Carolina Uelder Rofe. 
Dr. Dancer, 1792. 

Arbutus, or Straw- 
berry Tree. Dr. 
Dancer, 1792. 



BOOK Arlnitus Jndracknc 

JI- Fhiladelphus Mock Orange. By 

^^ ' Mr.Wkllen. 

j^ufcu^ Akxandritt. Butphers Broom. 

Lygeum Sfartitjm The poor in Spain 

• maiiufiidlure coats 

with the material^ 
pf tjii? plants which 
refift wfet, and hatdl* 
\y ever wear out, 
'' Dr. Dancer, 1792. 

Spartium Scoparium Common Broom. Fre- 

fented by Mr. Walr 
^Imia Latifolia • Dr. Dancer. 

Angujiifojia Prefenteid by Mr. Wal- 
\Qjicrcui Suber Cork Tree. Introdup- 

Cocci/era Kermes Oak. By Dr. 
Dancer, 1702. 
Salix Babylon. Weeping Willow. Bj^ 

Mr.Eaft. '< 

Jjonicera Tartarica Honey fuckle, Mr, 

4tn^ricqna Upright American 
ditto. By Dr. Dan- 
cer, 1792. 
fra^efcantia Virginica Virginia Spiderwort, 

By Dr. Dancer, 
Sjripga Vulgaris Lilac. By Mr. Eaft, 

" and Mr, Wallen. 

ferfica . Perfian ditto. By Dr. 
Dancer, 1792. 
Myrtus Myrtle fcveraffpecies. 

Jafminun^ Officinak Jaiminc. 






by Mr, CHAP, 

Odorat. 7 Introduced 

Azoricum ) Eaft. 

Eglenteria Sweet Briar. ' By Mr. 

JIbamofckatyVhitc Mofch Rofo. 

By Mr. Wallen. 
Cinnatnom. Cinnamon ditto. By 

the fame. 
Mufcofa Mofs Provence. Dn 

Dancer, 1792. 
Bakaric^ St. John's Wort. By 

Wallen. • 

Monogyn. By Mn Eaft. 
two fpecies, By Major Greene. 
Frutejcens? By the fame. 
Stmfervircns Cyprefs. 
Cedru4 Cedar of Lebanon. 

By Mr- Eaft. 
Tada Frankincenfe. ^y Div 

Dancer, I792. 
liahj^enfi^ Aleppo Pine. By D«. 

Dancer, 1792. 
paykmea Canadian Balfam. By 

Dr. Dancer, 1792* 

South Americftin and Exotic Weft 
Indian Plants. 

Smilax Sarjd Sarfaparilla. Intro- 

duced by Zach. 
Bayly, Efq. ini763, 

Annona Chcremoja Peruvian Sweet Sop. 

Qaajia Amara . Qjiailia Bark, Medici- 

nal. Sent from St. 


^ Epidendrum Vanella 
Caffine Pardgua 


Tradcfcantia Difcolor 




Vincent's Garden. 
Prefented by Mr. 

Paragua Herb. Intro- 
duced by Mr. Wal- 

Coccinelifer Cochineal Opuntia, 
or Nopal. 
Honduras Spiderwort. 
Introduced by Mr. 
Shakefpear, 17*38. 
Adams's Needle, or 
Dagger Plant.— 
Brought by the 
Rev. Dr. Lindfay, 
from Barbadoes, 

FiJammfofa Introduced by Dr. 
Dancer, 1792. 

Bamhu Bamboo Cane. Intro- 
duced by Mr. Wal* 


.* This, I am informed, is found in many of die mountains 
of Jasuica, growing fpontancouflj. 




Topographical defcriptio^.'-'^Towns J villages^ and 

parijhes. Churches , church-livings , and vef- 

tries'. Governor or Commander in chief. •-^^ 

Courts of judicature. — Public offices. — Legijla* 
ture and laws. — Revenues. — Taxes. — Coins ^ and 
rate of exchange.— Militia. — Number of inha* 

bitants of all conditions and complexions. ^ 

Tradcy Jhippingy exports and imports. — Report 
of the Lords c/ Trade in 1734. — Prefent flate 

of the trade with Spanijb America. Origin 

and policy of the ad for eflablifhing free ports* 
— Difplay of the progrefs of the ifiand in cuU 
tivationy by comparative fiatements of its inha* 
bitants and produds at different periods. — Ap^^ 
pendixy NM. N°II. 

Jamaica is divided into three counties; 
— Middlefex, Surry, and Cornwall. The coun- 
ty of Middlefex is compofed of eight parilhes, 
one town, and thirteen villages. The town is 
that of St. Jago-de-la-Vegay or Spanijh-Towny the 
capital of the ifland. Moft of the villages of this 
and the other counties, are hamlets of no great ac- 
count, fituated at the different harbours and ftiip- 
ping-places, and fupported by the traffic carried on 
there. St. Jago-de-la-Vega is fituated on the banks 
of the river UobrCy about fix miles from the fea, 
and contains between five and fix hundred houfes, 
and about five thoufand inhabitants, including 
free people of colour. It is the refidence of the 
governor or commander in chief, who is accom- 
modated with a fuperb palace ; and it is here^ 


that the legiflature is convened, and the Court of 
Chancery, and the Supreme Court of Judicature, 
are held. 

The county of Surry contains feven pariflie^, 
two towns, and eight villages. The towns are 
thofe of Kingfton and Port-Royal: the former 
of which is fituated on the north fide of a beau- 
tiful harbour, and >vas founded in 1693, whea 
repeated defolations by earthquake and fire 
had driven the inhabitants from Port-Royal. 
It contains one thoufand fix hundred and fixty- 
five houfes, befides negro-huts and ware- 
houfes. The number of white inhabitants in 
the year 1788 was fix thoufand five hundred 
and thirty-nine: of free people of colour 
three thoufand two hundred and eighty : of 
flaves fixteen thoufand fix hundred and fifty- 
nine; total number of inhabitants, of all 

complexions and conditions, twenty-fix thou- 
fand four hundred and feventy-eight. It is a 
place of great trade and opulence. Many of 
the houfes in the upper part of the town are 
extremely magnificent; and the markets for 
butchers' meat, turtle, fifli, poultry, fruits and 
vegetables, &c. are inferior to none. I can add 
too, from the information of a learned and in- 
genious friend, who kept comparative rafters 
of morality, that fijace the furrounding country 
is become cleared of wood this town is found to 
be as healthful as any in Europe. 

Port-Royal, once a place of the greateft wealth 
and importance in the Weft Indies, is now re- 
duced, by repeated calamities, to three ftreets, 
a few lanes, and about two hundred houfes. 
it contains however the royal navy yard, for 
leaving down and refitting the king's fhips ; the 
navy hofpital, and barracks for a regiment of 
foldiers. The fortifications are kept in excel- 


lent order, and vie in ftrength, ^8 I am wld, CHAP, 
with any forvnefs in the king's dominions. > V. 

Cornwall contains five parifhes, three towns, ^ 
and fix villages.-^The towns are Savanna-la-Mar 
on the foiith fide of the ifland, and Montego Bay 
and Falmouth on the north. The former was 
aUnoft entirely deftroved by a dreadful hurricane 
and inundation of tne fea in 1780. It is now 
partly rebuik, and may contain from fixty to fe- 
venty houfes. 

Montego-Bay is a flourifiiing arid opulent 
town : it confifl:s of two hundred and twenty- 
five houfes, thirty-three of which are capital 
ftores or warehoufes, and contains about fix 
hundred white inhabitants. The number of 
top-fail veffels which clear annually at this port 
are about one hundred and fifty, of which feventy 
are capital fhips; but in this account are inclua* 
ed part of thofe which enter at Kingfton. 

Falmouth, or (as it is more commonly called) 
the Pointy is fituated on the fouth fide of Mar« 
tha-Brae harbour, and, including the adjoining 
vill^es of Martha-Brae and the rock, is com- 
pofed of two hundred and twenty houfes. The 
rapid increafe of this town and neighbourhood 
within the laft fixteen years is aftonifhing. lu 
1771, the three villages of Martha-Brae, Falmouth, 
and the Rock, contained together but eighteen 
houfes; and the veffels which entered annually 
at the port of Falmouth did not exceed ten. 
At prefent it can boaft of upwards of thirty ca- 
pital ftationed fhips, which load for Great Bri- 
tain, exclufive of floops and fmaller craft. 

Each parifii (or precinft confiding of an union 
of two or more parifhes) is governed by a chief 
xna^iftrate, flyled Cuftos Rotulorunij and a body 
of juflices unlimitedf by law as to number, by 
whom feffions of the peace are held every three 



BOOK, months, and courts of Commoln Pleas to try ac- 
I^- tions arifing within the parifh or prccind^ to an 
"^ amount not exceeding twenty pounds. In mat- 
ters of debt not exceeding forty fhillings a An- 
gle juftice is authbrized to determine. 

The whole twenty parifhes contain eighteen 
churches and chapels, and each parifti is provided 
with a reftor, and other church officers ; the rec- 
tor's livings, the prefentation to which refts with 
the governor or commander in chief, are feverally 
"as follows, viz. St. Catharine £.300 per annum ; 
Kingfton, St." Thomas in the Eaft, Clarendon^ 
and Weftmoreland, £.250 per annum ; St. David, 
St. George, and Portland, £.100 per annum; all 
the reft ^-^^^ P^^ annum. Thefe fums are paid 
in lieu of tythes by the churchwardens of the 
feveral parifties refpedlively, from the amount of 
taxes levied by the veftries on the inhabitants. 

Each parifh builds and repairs a parionage 
houfe, or allows the re6lor^.5o per annum in 
lieu of one; befides which, many of the liv- 
ings have glebe lands of very coniiderable value 
annexed to them, as the parilh of St. Andrew, 
which altogether is valued at one thoufand pounds 
fterling per annum *. The biihop of London is 
faid to claim this ifland as part of his diocefe, 
but his jurifdiftion is renounced and barred by 
the laws of the country ; and the governor or com- 
mander in chief, as fuprcme head of the provin- 
cial church, not only indufts into the feveral 
redories, on the requtfite teftimonials being pro- 
duced that the candidate has been admitted in- 
to prieft's orders according to the canons of 


* In the year 1788 the affembly nafled a law to prohibit 
the burial of the dead within the walls of the churches; and 
as by this regulation feveral of the redlors were deprived of a 
perqulfite, an augmentation of j^**5b per annum was made to 
mofl of die livings. 


WfeST INDIES. ao7 

the chutch of England, but he is likewife vefted CHAP, 
with the power of fufpending a clergyman of ^ 
lewd and diforderljr life ab officio, upon applica* ^^ ^ 
tion from his parifhioners. A fufpenfion ak officio 
is in faft a fuipenfion a beneficioy no minifter be- 
ing entitled to his ftipend for any longer time 
than he fhall a£lually officiate; unlefs prevented 
by ficknefs. 

The veftries arc compofed of the cuftos, 
and two other magiftrates; the re&or and ten 
veftrymen; the latter are elefted annually by 
the freeholders. Befides their power of afTef-* 
iing and appropriating taxes, they appoint way- 
wardens, and allot labourers for the repair of 
the public highways. They likewife nominate 
proper perfons, who are called coUefting-con- 
llables, for the collection both of the public and 
parochial taxes. 

The fupreme court of judicature for the whole 
ifland (commonly called the Grand Court, as 
pofiefling fimilar jurifdidion in this country to 
that of the feveral courts of King's Bench, Com- 
mon Pleas, and Exchequer, in Great Britain) is 
held in the town of St. Jago-de-la-Vega, the ca- 
pital of the county of Middlefex, on the laft 
Tuefday of each of the months of February, 
May, Auguft, and November, in every year. 
In this court, the chief juftice of the ifland pre- 
fides, whofe falary is only /^. 120, but the per- 
quifites arifing from the office make it worth 
about/). 3,000 /^r annum. The affiftant judges 
are gentlemen of the ifland, commonly planters, 
who receive neither falary nor reward of any 
kind for their attendance. Three iudges muft be 

J)refent to conftitute a court ; and each term is 
imited in duration to three weeks. From this 
court, if the chofe in a S ion be for a fum of ^^ 300 
fterling, or upwards, an appeal lies to the go- 


;pO O K vf mor and council, as a court of err^r ; \{ fen- 
M- tejic^e of death $e pafTed for felony, the^pp^aj 
is t/o the governor alpne *. 

Afli^s^ courts alfo are heldevery three months, 
in Kingfton for the county of Surry, /ind in Sa- 
v^xna-la-Mar for the county of Cornwall. The 
$urry court begins the laft Tuefday in January, 
April, July, and Oftober. The Cornwall court 
^t)^ns the laft Tuefday in M^rch, June, S^em- 
\>eXy and J>ccember; ;each affize cp^rt is limited 
to a fortnight in duration. Thus haVc th^ inha- 
bitants law-courts ev^ry month of the year, t>e- 
fide3 the courtsof chancery, ordinary, ^miralty, 
Und the feveral parifti court?. The judges of the 
aflize court aft without falary or reward, a^ Wiell 
as the afliftant judges of the fuprpme court, aoy 
one of whom, if preXent, preiideu in the aflize 
court. No appeal from the latter to ^he former 
is allowed, but judgments of the ai&ze imme- 
diately following the fupreme court, are confi- 
dered as of one ^uid the fame court, and have 


• By an early law of this ifland (paffed in 1681) fVec- 
lioWcrs of known rcfidence arc not fubjedt to arref^ and being 
held to bail in civil procefs. The mode of proceeding is, to 
ddiver the party a fummons (leaving it at his hp^fe is deemed 
good fervice) together with a copy of the declaration, four- 
teen days before the court, whereupon the defendant is bound 
tp appear, the very next court, or judgment will pafs by dc- 
fauk. Twenty-eieht days after the firft day of each court 
ez^ution iiSies ; for which there is but one writ, conipre- 
heading both a^/^i facias and a capiat ad faiisfacicndum y but 
as no general imparlance is allowed before judgment, it is 
enad^ed that the effedls levied on, fhall remain in the defend- 
ant's hands until the next court, to give him an opportunity of 
difpoiing of them to the beil advanuge ; and if he then fails 
paying over the money, a venditioni exponas iffi^es to t]ie mapr 
ihall, to fell thofe, or any other goods, or uke his perfoo. 
The modern practice is to make no levy on the execution, 
whereby the debtor obtains the indulgence of one term, or 
court, after which both his perfbn and goods are lia);|le under 
the writ of venditioni exponas 



air ■ eqtial right in point of priority with thofe CHAP, 
obtained in the grand court. V* 

The governor or commander in chief is chan- ' 
cellor by his office, and prefides folcly in that 
high department, which is adminiftered with 
great form and folemnity. He is alfo the fol^ 
ordinary for the probate of wills and granting 
letters of adminift ration. From the firft of thefe 
offices, he derives extenfive authority, and frpoj 
the latter confiderable emolument *. 

As appendages of ^he fupreme court, thcfe- 
veral great offices, viz* the office of enrollment's, 

Vol. I. P or 

* The profits ^nd etjnoluments arifing annua4Iy from the 
government of Jamaica rm^^ I think, be dated near!/ as foU 
fows, viz. 

Salary ^ — • -^ — £, 5^000 

Fees in Chancery — -^ — 150 

Fees of th^< Court (^f Ordinary — —^ 1*400 

$hare of Cuftom Houfe Seizures — -^ i|O0q^ 

The affemhly have purchafed for the governor's 
ufe, a farm of about 300 acres, called the Govern- 
ment Penn, and built an elegant villa thereon. 
Likewife .a polink or provifion fettlement in the 
mountain^ (which is alfo provided with a cpm- 
•fortable maafion-hpufe) and Aocked both proper- 
ties with 50 negroes, and a fuiEciency ot cattle, 
ihcep, &c. From thefe places (which are exclu- 
iive of the king's houie in Spanifh Town) the 
governor is, or ought to be, fupplied with<hay and 
corn, mutton, miUc, poukry, and prov^fions for 
his domeflics, creating a faving in his houfhold 
cxpences of at leaft -^ — i|OOp 

Toul In currency -^ £. 8,550 

^^g equal to /'.6,T00 ilerling ; and this is altogether exclu« 
five of fees received by his private fecretarjr for militia com* 
Jnii&ons, &c. &c. &c. which are noteqfily afcertained. It is 
^ppofed alfo that money has fometimes been made hj the 
fale of church livings ; and vaft fun^t were formerly raifec) by 
efcheats. , 

M B. A governor of Jamaica may live very honourablr 
for jf .3,000 ilerling per annum. 


BOOK or feeretary of the ifland, |>]?9voftHaiaHhall-f;eiie«» 
XL ral, clerk of the court (or prothonoury, cuftos- 
brevium, &c.) are held aiid fitii«ted m Spanilli: 
Town. The firll is an office of record^ in wiikh 
the laws pafied by the legiflature are ppefennod; 
and copies of them entered into fair volunies. 
In this office all deeds» wills> iales, and patents, 
muft be regiftered. It is likewife required that 
all perfons (after fix weeks refidence) intending to 
depart this ifland, do affix their names in. this 
office, twenty-one days before they are entitled 
to receive a ticket or let-pafs, to enable them to 
leave the country.. In order to enforce this re- 
gulation, mafters of veflels are obliged, at the 
time of entry, to give fecurity in the fum of 
£. i,ooo not to carry off the ifland any perfon 
without fuch ticket or let-pafs. Truftees, attor- 
nies and guardians of orphans, are required to 
record annually in this offiee accounts of the 
produceof eftates in their charge ; and, by a late 
a6l, mortgagees in pofleflion are obliged to regif- 
ter not only accounts of the crops of each year, 
but alfoann^al accounts current of their receipts 
and payments. . Tranfcripts of deeds, &c. from 
the office, properly certified, are evidences in 
any court of law, and all deeds muft be enrolled 
within three months after date, or they are de- 
clared to be void as againft any other deed proved 
and regiftered within the time limited ; but if no 
fecond deed is on record, then the fame are va- 
lid, though regiftered after the three months. It 
is prefuined that the profits of this office, which 
. is held by patent from the crown, and exercifed 
by deputation, exceed /j. 6,000 fterling per an^ 

The provoft-marfhall-general is an officer of 
high rank and great authority. — ^The name da- 
notes a military origin, and doubtlefs the office 



was iirft inftituted in this ifiand bdFore the htto^ CHAP, 
du&ian of civil government, tod continued af- _^ 
terwards throngh neceJDTity. It is Aow held by ^ 
jpatent firom the crown, wmch is lifually grants 
ed for two lives, and the pittotee is ]^ermitted to 
id by dej^uty, who is commonly the hi^heft bid- 
der. The powers and authorities annexed to this 
office sire various : the ading offieer is in fa^ 
high fheriff of the Whole ifland ditring his conti* 
imance in offite, aiid permitted to iibininate de- 
puties under him for every parjfti or pf eciJi(6ti 
His legsd receipts have b^n known tO exceed 
£.7,000 flier\m% per aAnUm^ and it is fuppofed 
chat f6me of his deputies nikke nearly as much. 

The office of clef k ot thi iupreme court is like- 
wife held by patent and exercifed by deputation. 
Evidence was glvdii to the houfe of aflenibiy fome 
years ago, that lis annual value at that time ex- 
ceeded if .9,000 currency. Of late, I believe it ii 
confiderably diminilhed. 

Of the other greit lucrative offices, the princi*' 
pal are thofe of the regifter in chancery, receiver 
general and treafurer of the ifland, naval officer^ 
and colleilor of the cuftoms for the pott of King- 
fton. All thefe appointments, whether held by 
parent or commiffioh, are likewife fuppofed to af- 
ford cpnfiderable emolument to perfons refiding 
in Great Britain. It is computed on the whole, 
that not lefs than ^f. 30,000 fterling is remitted 
annually, by the deputies in office within the if- 
land, to their principals in the mother country. 

The legiflature of Jamaica is'compofed ot the 
captain^eneralor commander in chief, of a coun- 
cil nominated by the crown, confiftipg of twelve 
gentlemen,- and a houfe of aflembly containing^ 
forty-three members, who are eleftedbythe free* 
holders, viz, three for the feveral towns and pa- 
jfUhes of St. Jago^de-la-Vega, Kingfton, and Port 
I Pz Royal, 


.BOOK Roy ik% and two for each of the other pariihe»» 
U* The qualification required in the eledlor, is a 
freehold of ten pounds per annum in theparifh 
where the election is made; and in the repre^ 
fentative, a landed freehold of three hundrcxl 
pounds per annum) in any part of the ifland» 
or a perfonal eftate of three thoufaxid pounds* 
In the proceedings of the general aJGTembly 
they copy, as nearly as local circumftances 
will admit, the legiflature of Qreat Britain ; and 
al] their bills (thofe of a private nature excepted) 
have the force of laws as foon as the governor'^ 
aflfent is ^tain^. The power of rejeftion how- 
ever is ftill referved in the crown ; but until the 
royal difapprobation is %nified, the laws are 

Of the laws thus pafTed, the principal relate 
chiefly to regulations of local policy, to which 
the law of England ianot applicable, as the flave 
fyftem for inftance* ; On which, and other cafes, 
tfije Englifli laws being filent, the colonial legiila« 
ture has made, and continues to make, fuch pro- 
v,ifioa therein, a^ the exigencies of the colony are 
fupppfed to require; and pn fome occanons, 
where the. principle of the Englifh law has 
been^dopte^ it ha? been found neceflary to aj- 
t^r ^d modify its provifions, fo as to adapt them 
to circuqiftances and fituation. Thus, in the 
mode of fetting out emblements, the prafticeof 
.fine and r(ecovery> the cafe of infolvent debtors, 
the repair of the public roads, the maintenaince of 
' : the 

♦ Thus Ae evidence of a flave is h6t admiffiblc againft t 
lirhlte perfon. Again, although bj a Very eariy law of thit 
i^ajid; ilaves are confidereda« inheritance, and are according* 
ly iubjed to the incidents of real property (for as they go to 
the heir, fo may the widow have dower of them, and theiur- 
viving hulband be tenant by courtefy ; and th^s holds equally 
•whether flaves are pofTeffed in grofs, or belone *to a plantation/ 
yet in refped of debts, flaVes are confidered as jcnattels, a&4 
tile executor ia bound to inventory them like other cluttdlt. 

WEST indies; aij 

the clergy, and the relief of the poor, very great' CHAP, 
deyiations from the praftice of the mother conn- V. 
try have been found indifpenfably reauifite. ^ 

The revenues of this Uland may be ai vided into 
two branches ; the one perfttua/^ by an aft of the 
year 1728, called the revenue law, of the origin 
of which I have already fpoken, aid of which the' 
quit-rentsconftituteapart; the other annuaiy by 
grants of the legiflature. The revenue law may 
raife about £. i zfiooper annumy of which ^.8,000 
is particularly appropriated, as I have elfewhere 
obferved, ana the furplus is applicable to the 
contingent expences of government, in aid of the 
annual funds. The governor receives /. 2,500 
per annum ovx of the £.8,000 fund, A further 
falary of ^,2,500 is fettled upon him during his 
refidence in the ifland by a fpecial aA of the l^f- 
lature, pafled the beginning of his adminiftration^ ' 
and is made payable out of fome one of the annual 
fcinds provided by the affembly. Thefe at this time 
may amount to /[. 70,000, of which about £.40,000 
is a prQvifion for granting an additional pay to the 
officers and foldiers of his majefty's forces ftati- 
oned for the proteAion of the ifland. Every 
commifiioned officer being entitled to 2oj, P^^ 
week, and every private to ^s. : An allowance is 
alfo made to the wives and children of the foU 
diers; which with the Britiih pay enables then\ 
to live much more comfortably than the king*rf 
troops generally do in Europe, 

The ufual ways and means adopted for railing^ 
the above taxes are, firft, a duty of aoj. per head 
cm aU*negroes imported ; feconoly, a duty on alL 
ram and other fpirits retailed and confuoicd 
within the ifland ; thirdly, the deficiency law : 
an a^ which was intended originally to oblige all 
proprietors of flaves to keep one white perfon for 
ever); thirty blacks; but the penalty, which is 
fometimes ^•13, at other times ^.z(> per annum^ 

3 ^^^ 


HI^TOfY OF '^^Z 

BOOK for each white perfon deficient ^f (he numLbt;^ 
1^* requireda, is become fo produdiiye a fource o| ye- 
' venue, that the b!ill is now cpi^fidered as one of 
the annual funply Dills : fourthly, a poll t^x on 
all ilaves, ana flock, and a rate pn rents and 
wheel-carriages* Beiides ther(p, ocqifional tax 
hills are paUed by the legiflature, as neceflity 
may require. 1 have fubjoi^ed in a note the et 
timate b| the contingent charges of th^ goyqrn* 
xnent of this i^d on the annual funds fof the 
year 1788, and of the ways and m&^i^s for the 
payment thereof ** 


♦. Eftimdte rfthi ordinary Contingent Charges oftbi 
Government of JAMAICA on th€ annual funds for tii 
year ij^%^ viz* ' 

Qcnrernor's additional falarj « £*^%ioo 

^bfiftence of the Troops, andHp^ital ex 
pencet * - - 

Salaries to Officers of the Aflcmbly, Print 
' ing, &c. . * - . - 

Clerk of the Grand Court 

Cler]|: of tl^e Crown - • ^ 

Clerk to the Commif&oners of ^orts 

Surveyor to the Bath - 

Port Officers and Waiters 

Maroon Negro Parties 

Superintendanu reiiding in the Maroon- 
Towns • - - 

To the En^eer and Capuin of diiferent 
Forts ' - - ' . 

tor the Support of the Botanic Garden . 

Salary 'to the Agent • 

To the OiScers of the Troops for private 

Lodgings - . . 1,430 

Supplying the Forts with Water , - 1,089 

To tne Commiffioners of the Forts • 5,600 

To the Kihgfton Hofpital - - / 500 

4Xi300 — — 

2,300 — — 

100 — — 

100 — — 

150 — — . 

200 — — 

1,600 — — 

1,000 — — 

1,300 — . — 

1,000 — — 

ago — — 

420 — — 

Parried over 

;f. 60,869 -^ — 



The current orins arc Portugal pieces of gold, CHAP. 
called the half^johannes, valued in England at V. 
36J. each ; thefc pafs here, if of full weight, at 
55J. Spaniih gold coins current here, are, dou- 
bloons zi£. 5* $s. each, and piftoles at z6s. 3^. 
Silver coins are Spanifh milled dollars ^t 6s. id. 
and fo in proportion for the fmaller parts of thi^ 
coin; the loweft coin is called a bitt^ equal to 
about $d. fterling. A guinea pafles for 32^. 6d^ 
This, however, is coniiderably more than the 
ufual rate of exchange, by which /). 100 fterling 
gives )^. 140 icurrcncy. 

Fiaom the fituariou of this ifland amidft potent 
and envious rivals^ and the vafl difproponion 
imweefi the (number of ^ white inhabitants and 
tfaeilaves, it ixwyrbe fuppofed that the mainte- 
nance o£ a powerful and well-difciplined milittft 
. ; ^ ' : ' is 

' Carried over - ^.6o»869. — — 
Sundry Demands on the Ihiblic for Official 

Fbes, Medical Care and Gaol Feet of 
. Prifonen, Repairi of tke Public Buiid- 

ingi, &c. &c. ' r - - 4»SS9 7 9 
Charges of CoUeAing; viz. CoUeAlng 

Conftable's and Receiver GeneraPs Com- 
' miffions. Reliefs, &c. 15 per cent. - 9,783 6 — 

. Ways tfiiif MiANt* 
Outftanding Debts ^ £. 25,<>oo 
Negyo Duty, computed at 6,000 
Horn Duty — - liyyoo 
Double Deficiency on Ne- 

mes • - 14,000 

PoU-Tax - . 67,000 

£-1Sf>ii IS 9 

136,000 — — 
DeduA fcr prompt Pay- 
ment 10 per cent. - i3>6oo — — 

122,400 -^ -i- 

. HSr The ^verpkiS' was applied towards difcharging the Pub* 
lie Debt, which was^imatedat;^. » 80,000 currency. 

ji6 . H IS TO RY O F T HE 

B O K ^^ amoiig the firft objefts of the policy of the le- 
II. giflature; and accordingly aU pcrfons frotn fif- 
teen to fixiy years of ag^ arc obliged by law to 
enlift tbemrelves cither in the horfejor foot, and 
to provide at their own expenccthenecefTary. 
accoutrements J but this law, I doubt, is not 
Very rigidly enforced, as the whole militia, w:hich 
is compofed of tliree regiments of horfe and four- 
teen regimen t>s of foot, does .not confiH Icon« 
ceiveof more than 7006 effedlive troops f neither 
do the ulual.employment? and habits of life, ci- 
ther of the officers or privates, condtace very 
Biuch to military fubordinatioa.^^Howevcr, . in 
times of SL&ual aanger, whether from the revolt 
of flaves, or the probability . ofii invafioui no 
troops in. the world cpuld iiwedhewn greater 
iprqmptitude or alacrity in Service, tlian has been 
difplayed by the militia of Jamaica. In fuch 
emergencies, the commander in chief, with the 
advice and confent of a general council of war, 
(in which the ^embers of the aflTcmbJy haye 
voices) may proclaim martial law. His poweris 
then diftatorial; and all perfons arefubjedto 
the articles of wajr ^. ^ 


* SooH aft«f the alcove waf written (the Author bejng at 
that time in Jamaifra) the lieutenant governor, by the advice 
of a council of war, proclaimed martial law. This was in 
)>ecember, 1701, -and -k arofe from a notion Very generally^ 
prevalent in the ifland, that confpiracies andprojem of re- 
pellion were afloat among the negroes, in confequence of the 
difliirbances in St. Domingo. This apprehenfibil itiduced 
a very flricfl obfervance of the militia laws; and the follow- 
ing was the return of the Cavalry and Infantry to head -quar- 
ters on the 1 3th of January, 1792, 

ppunty of Surry - 336 Cavalry 2,141 infantry 2*477 

Middlefcx 375 — ^- — 2,647 :— ' 3,023 

Cornwall 368 .. .'. 2,305 2,673 

£fled^ives - 1 8,17^ 

Free npgrofs and men of colour included ; their number Wai 
fSSp. The Maroont are not comprehended. 


From the given number of men ^ble 16 bear C M A P» 
arms in any country, it is ufual with political V^ 
writers to dtimate the inh^itants at lai^e ; but 
their rule oF calculation does not apiply to Ja« 
maica, where the bulk of the people coniifts of 
men without families. Europeans who come to 
this ifland have feldom an idea of fettling here 
for life. Their aim is generally to acquire for* 
tunes to enable them to fit down comfortably in 
their native country; and, in the raeanwhile> 
they qoniider a family as an incumbrance. Mar^ 
riage thei^efore, being held in but little eftima* 
tion, :the white women and children do not bear 
the fame proportion to the males, as in Euro* 
pean climates. From thefe, and other caufes, I 
have found it difficult to afcertain with preci- 
fion the niimber of the white inhabitants.' 1 
have been informed that a late intelligent chief 
governor (General Cainpbell) computed them> 
after diligent refearch, at 25,000 ; and -I am in* 
duced to believe, from more .than one .mode 
of calculation, that General Campbelrs ellimate 

was near the truth. :This computation was 

made in 1 780, Tmce which time I am of opU 
nion, from the many loyal Americans who have 
fixed themfelves in Jamaica, and other caufe$> 
this numbex is confiderably mcreafed. Includ- 
ing the troops and feafaring people, the white 
population may, I think, be fixed at 30,000* 

The freed negroes and people, of colour are 
computfed, in.a report of a committee of tho^ 
houfe pf aifembly of the 12th of November^ 
1788, at.^0Q in each parifh, on an average of* 
the whole; which makes 10,000, exclufive of 
the black people called Maroons, who enjoy a 
limited degree of freedom by treaty. Thefe, by 


£ O O j^ the laft returns that I have feen, amount to 
n. about 1400 ♦. 

Of negroes in a ftate of ilayery in this ifland» 
the precife number in December 178.7, asafcer- 
tained on oath in the rolls from which the poll- 
tax is levied, ' was 2^0,894 1 and as it may anfwer 
more ufeliil purpofes hereafter than tne nlere 
gratification of curidiity, I jh^l diftinguifix the 
numbers in each parifh, which arei the fellow- 

St. Dorothy - - 3*^29 

St. Catherine - - 5>304 

St. John - - 5,880 

St. Thomas in the Vale - 7>459 

Vere - - - 7,487 

St. Mary - - i7>Tf44 

St. Ann - - I3>324 

Kingfton - - 6,162 

St. Andrew - - 9,613 

. St. David - - 2,881 

St. Thomas in the Eaft - 20,492 

Portland - . 4,537 

St. George - - 5,050 

St. Elizabeth - - 13,280 

Hanover ... 17,612 

St. James - - - 18,546 

Trefawney - - , - 19,318 

Port-Royal - - - 2,229 

Weftmoreland - - 16,700 

Clarendon • - • 14>747 

Total — 210,894 


* It is generally fuppofed, and has been very confidently 
affened, >that thcfe people have decreafed ; but the faft is other- 
ivife. The miflake has arifen from the circumftance that fome 
of their towns have been deferted *, which is indeed true, but 


• W^^Tt INDIHS. «9 

tt s^jpppsas; however, from the report of a ^h A IV 
Goimnutee of the afiembly ^bove cited, that in v. 
mpil of the panlhes it is cuftomary to exempt w^y'i^ 
perfons not having mpre than fix negroes, fr6m 
the payment of taxes on flaves, whereby many 
of the n^rocs (efpeciajly in the towns *) are not 
given in to the dilferent veibriea, and the returns 
of a great nuChy others are fraudulently con- 
cealed ; thus the tax rolls do not contain the full 
number of ilaves, which, in the opinion of the 
committee, were at that time 240,000, at the 
lead ; and there ^s not a doubt that upwards of 
10,000 Kave been left in thfe country from the 
importations of tl»e 1-^ two y^ars, e:icclufiv^-o€ 
decreiafe. X*^? whol^ number of inhabitants 
therefpre, ^f all complexipus^ and . conUitlous^ 
may be dated zs^ follows : 

Whites • - -•..-.- 30,000 
t!i:eeAnegroea» and people of colour 10,000 
Maropns ..--.-*.. 1,400 
Negro Haves .•.-•-*. 250,000 

I II' 

Total • 291,400 


the caufe has been, that the negroes have onlj removed &om 
-one town to another. It is fufficiently known that they are 
the dricen<Unts of negroes formerly in rebellion, with whom, 
in the years 1738 and 1739, Governor Trelawney entered 
into treaty, which the Aifembly confirmed, and granted theat 
freedom under certain limitations. The number that iiir- 
rendered was under 600. In the year 1770 ihey conflfted of 
V 885 men, women and children. In the year 1773 they were 
XO28 ; and they were increafed in 1788 to 1333* 

* In Kingfton, for inflance, the real number is 161659, 
inilead of 6,162, the number on the tax rolls. On an ave* 
rage of the whole number of parii^es, the negroes not given 
in or returned may be reckoned at one fevemh pan 0? the 

,-(, HISTOR T OF T It E 

BOOK "^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^ ifland will beft appear by 
jl. the quantity of Ihipping and the number of fea- 
mea to which it gives employment, and the na«^ 
ture and quantity of. its exports. The following 
i& an account, from the books of the Infpeflor 
General of Great Britain, of the number of vef- 
(els of all kinds, their regiftered tonnage and 
number of men, which cleared from the feveral 
ports of entry in Jamaica in the year 1787, ex- 
clufivc of coaftiag floops^ wherries, &c, viz. 

, . Nun]|ber 

of V^ffelj. ToAaage. Men. 

For Great Britain 242 63,471 7,748 

Iteland - - 10 1,3131 9^ 

American States 133 I3>04i 893 

Br, Amer. Colonics 66 6,133 4^9 

Foreign W.Indies zz 1,903 155 

Africa - * -' I 10^9 8 

Total ^ 474 85,888 9,344 

Itmnft, however, be obferved, that as many 
of the vdGTels clearing for America and the fa« 
lei^ Weft Indies make two or more voyages in 
the year, it is ufual, in computing the real num- 
ber of thofe veffels> their tonage and men, to de- 
du6l one third from the official numbers. With 
this cQrre£iion the total to all parts is 400 veC 
fels, containing 78,862 tons, navigated by 8,845 

The exports for the fame year ate given on 
the fame authority, as follows :~ 


CHA*. V, 












£-8 8 

0?9 M I 

Mill I 

^0 d^ 


_ _ H O 


«i I I I • 


I si? ^ 









^81 l"^! I 

>i ♦ 






71 I I I 

«* I I I • 

51*5 25^«* ■ 




hill' t 



BOOK But It mnft be noted, that a confiderable pan 
II- of the cotton, indigo^ tobacco, mahogany, dye- 
woods, and mifcellaneous articles, iiicladed in 
th6 j>f ec^dMg a<lcouxxt, is the prddilce of the 
Ibi'eign Weft fudies imported into Jamaick> part* 
ly under th^ freb-poh law^ and ]iarly in (mall 
Britifh vdTdls eibployed in a codtraWiid traf-^ 
fie with the Spanifh Ahiiencaii tetritbrids, pay- 
ment oi which is madb chiefly in Britifh ma* 
nufaifbires, and negroes; and confidenLbk quan- 
titles of bullion. Obtained by thd fame means, are 
annually remitted to Greit Britain of which no 
p!reclf6 accounts can be procured. 

"The General Account of I*«poRts into Jamai- 
ca will fiand nearly ai foUdws^ viz. 



Chap. V. W E S T . I N D I S S. Ms 


From GnfltfT AJrom,'! Britifli'mana^ . £. x* i» £• §• JL 

direft, accoKiing I fadures 686,657 2 } 

to a return of the > Foreign mer- 

Infpeftor Gene- j chandize *J^A*]S 3 * 

TaHbri787 - J ■ 7S8.93a 5 4 

From Ireland^ I allow a moietjr of the whole impon 

CO the Britiih Weft Indies, confifting of manu&c* 

cures and faked provifions to tke amount of 

\^.a77,ocx> 138,500 — — 

FfomJ^Hca, Si345 »«g«>^.*» tt ;f .40 fterling each 

— {Inis is wholly a Britiih trade carried on in 

Ihips from England) - . . • f 2x3,800 — «» 

From the Brkjfl^ Cdcmes m jfminca (including about 

20,000 quintals of faked cod from Newfoundland) 30,000 — — • 
From the Umitd States^ Indian com, wheat flour, 

rice, lumber, ftaves^ &c« imported in Britiih ihips 190,000 — — 
From Madeira and Tnur^i^ in ihips tradiiig circuit* 

oufly from Great Britain, 500 pi^s of wine ^ex- 

chifive of wines for re-exportation) at £.i<^ fter- 

ling the pine - - - - 15,000 — • — 

From the Foreign Weft InJkt^ under the free-port 

law, &c« cttlculated on an average of three 

years t - - - " - • • 150,000 — ~ 

Total • ;f. 1496,^32 5 4 

• Beinc an atctige of tlis whole number impoitcd snd reciined in the idsad for ten 
yearH 1778 to 1787, aa rctumed by the Infpcdor General, The import of the Jail 
three yean il much greater. 

f From returns of the iBljpeder General The following are the paiticulan for the 
year 1787, 


<» 194,000 Ibt. 


64,750 lbs. 

Cattle, via. 




- *33 




• , u 

Sheep - 

— • i,»oi No. 

DyiBg Woodi* 

- S»«77 Tons. 


79 Barrels. 


4»537 No. 


^ 4»663 lbs. 


9,093 Phnki. 
f - 655 Ibt. 

Tortoilc ShcU 


i'iM^ ^^. 


iH HIS T OR, Y or THE 

BOOK Somc'part of thi$ eftimate, however, is not fo 
^* perf^ft as might be wiihed ; inafmuch as in the 
^ accounts made up at the infpeftor general's office 
pf goods epqport^ from Great Britain, thev rec» 
kon only the original coft, whereas the Britilh 
iKierchapt being comijioAly the exporter^ the 
whole of his profits, togetner with the freight, 
infurance, and factorage commiifipns in the 
jDand, fliould be taken into the account, be- 
cwfetht whole ar^ comprized ia one charge a- 
gainft the planter. On the Britifh fupply, there- 
lore, I calculate that twenty per cent, fhpuld be 
^dded far thofe items ; which makes the funi to- 
tftl £• 1^648,0 18. 14J. Afd. fterling money. 

After all, it is very poffible that Tome error§ 
may have cr^pt into tne calculation, and the ba- 
lance or furplus arifing ftom the excefs of the 
exports, may be more or lefs than appears by the 
ftatement which I have given; but this Is a con- 
iideration of little importance in a national view, 
inafmuch as the final profit ariQng from the whole 
fyftem, ultimately refts and centers in Great 

Britatu; a conclufion which was well illuf- 

trated formerly by the lords commiflioners for 
trade and plantations, in a report made by them 
on the (late of the Britifh fugar colonies in the 
year 1734; ^^ extraft from which, a^ it ferves' 
Jikewife to point out the progrefs of this ifland 
during the laft fifty years, I Ihall prefent to the 

*^ The annual amount '(fay their Lordfhips) 
of our exports to Jamaica, at a medium of four 
years, from Chriftma§ 1728 to Chriltmas 1732, 
as it ilands computed in the cuftom-houfe books, 
appears to have been ^ £-i47>675. 2. 3I-. 



The medium of our imports * 
from Jamaica, in the fame 

year, is . - - ^ £-539499 ^8 3^- 
So that the amaual excefs of 

our imports, in that period, ' 

isnolefsthan - 301,824 15 ii|. 

" But it muft not be imagined, that this ex- 
cefs is a debt upon Great Britain to the ifland of 
Jamaica; a part of it m;uft be placed to the ac- 
count of N^roes, and other goods, fent to the 
Spanifh Weft Indies, the produce of which is 
returned to England by way of Jamaica; another 
part to the debt due to our African traders from 
the people of Jamaica, for the Negroes which 
are purchafed and remain there for the fervice of 
the ifland ; a third proportion muft be placed to 
the account of our Northern Colonies on the 
continent of America, who difcharge part of 
their balance witli Great Britain by confignments 
from Jamaica, arifmg from the provifions and 
lumber with which they fupply that ifland ; the 
remaining part of the exoefs in our importations 
from this colony, is a profit made upon our trade, 
whether immeaiately from Great Britain, or by 
way of Africa; and laftly, it is a confideration 
of great importance in the general trade of Great 
Britain, that part of the fugar, and other mer- 
chandize wliich we bring from Jamaica, is re-ex- 
Eprted from hence, and helps to make good our 
alance in trade with other countries in Europe.'* 
Having mentioned the trade which is carried 
on between this ifland and the Spanifti territories 
in America, fome account of it in its prefent 
ftate, and 6f the means which have been adopt- 
ed by the Britifli parliament to give it fupport. 
Vol. I. Q^ may 

• The Cuftom Houfc prices of goo<!t imported, a^ ct a- 
Mfx^hly lefs than then real or mercantile prices?— perhaps in 
feneral, about one third. 


BOQR tmy not be unacceptable to my readers. It- is 
^^ fufficiently known to have been formerly an in- 
' tercourfe of vaft extent, and highly advantage- 
ous to Great Britain, having been fuppofed to 
give employment, about the beginning of the 
prefent century, to 4,000 tons of Englifti (hip- 
ping, and to create an annual vent pf Britifii 
goods to the amount of one million and a half 
in value. From the wretched policy of the 
court of Spain towards its American fubjefts, 
by endeavouring to compel them to truft folely 
to the mother-country, for almoft every article 
of neceflary confumption, at the very time that 
fhe was incapable of fupplying a fiftieth part of 
their wants, it is not furprifing that they had re- 
courfe, under all hazards, to thofe nations of 
Europe which were able and willing to anfwer 
their demands. It was in vain, that the veflels 
employed in this traffic, by the Englifh and 
others, were condemned to confifcation, and the 
mariners to perpetual confinement and flavery ; 
the Spanifh Americans fupplied the lofs by vef- 
fels ol their own, furnifhed with feamen fp well 
acquainted with the feveral creeks and bays, as 
enabled them to profecute the contraband with 
facility and advantage. Thefe veflels received 
every poflible encouragement in our iflands; 
contrary, it muft be acknowledged, to the ftrift 
letter of our afts of navigation; but the Britifh 
government, aware that the Spaniards had little 
to import befides bullion, but homed cattle, 
mules^ and horfes, (fo neceflary to the Agricul- 
ture of the fugar colonies) connived at the 
encouragement that was given them. The tr^de, 
however, has been, for many. years, on the de- 
cline. Since the year 1748, a wifer and more 
liberal policy tovvards its American dominions, 
feems to have adluated the court of Madrid; 



mtd the (Kmtfabaad traffic has gra^uall}^ lefiested, CHAP« 
in proportion as the rigour of the ancient regu* V. 
jatiQQshae been related. Neyerthelefs, the In- ^ 
Iteacourje with this iiQand, in Spaoiih veflels, was 
ffill ver|f eonfiderable fo late as the year 17^4. 
About ^hat period, diredliona were iflued by the 
Englifti miniftry to enforce the laws of navi- 
gajon with the utmoft ftri£tnefs; and cuftom* 
houfe eommiffiQns were given to- the captains 
of our men of war, with orders to fcize all fo- 
re%n vefiel$, without difiindion, that Ihould be 
found in the ports of our Weft Indian iflands; 
a meafure which in truth was converting our 
navy into guarda-cojiasy for the king of Spain. 
In confequeuce of thefe proceedings, the Spani^ 
ards/a^ m^ht have been expeded, were deterred 
from comuEignear us, and the exports from Great 
Britain tQ^raaie4 alone in: thfe year 1765, fell 
ihort of the )[ear 1763, £.168,000 fterling. 
. A wifer miniftry endeavoured to remedy the 
mifchief, by giving orders for the admiflion of 
Spanifti vettels as ufual; but the fubjed matter 
being canvaffed in the Briufh parliament, the 
nature and intent of thofe orders were fo fiillv 
explained, that the Spanifti qqurt, grown wiUi 
from experience, took the alarm, and immedi- 
ately adopted a meafure, equally prompt and 
prudent, for counteradling them. This was, the 
laying open the trade to the iflands of Trinidad, 
Porto-Rico, Hifpaniola, and Cuba, to every 
province in Spain, and permitting goods of all 
kinds to be fent thither, on the payment of mo- 
derate duties. Thus the temptation to an illicit 
eommerce with foreign nations, being in a great 
meafure removed, there was reafon to believe 
that the cfTeft would ceafe with the caufe. 

Such, however, is the fuperiority or compare* 

tive chcapncfs of Britifti manufaftures, that it is 

Q^z probable 

tM li I S T O R Y O F T H E 

BOOK P^bable ^^^ trade would liavc revived to a cey- 
II. -tain degree, if the Britifh mihiftry of 1765, 
' after giving orders- for tKfe adm^on of Spanifli 
veffels into our ports in the Weft Indies, liad 
proceeded no further.^ But, in the following 
year, they obtained an aft 6f parliament for 
opening the pdrts of Jamaica ana Dominica, to 
all foreign veffels of a certain defcription. The 
motives which influenced the framers of this law, 
were undoubtedly laudable; they juftly con- 
fidered the recovery of the Spamfti trade as a 
;matter of the utmolt confequenc^, and oonclud- 
ed that the traders would naturally prefer thofe 
ports in which their fafety was founded on law, 
to placed where their prefervation depended 
only on the precarious tenure of connivance and 
favour. Other oftenfible reafons were afligned 
in fupport of the meafure; but the. jealoufy of 
Spain was awakened, and the endeavours of the 
Britifh parliament on this occafion, ferved only 
to encreafe the evil which was Meant to be 
redrefled. By an unfortunate overfight, the 
coUedors at tne feveral > Britiftv fred-ports were 
inftrufted to keep regular accounts of the entry 
of all foreign veffels, and of the bullion which 
they imported, together with the names of the 
commanders. Thefe accounts having been 
tranfmitted to the comniiflioners of the cuftoms 
an England, copies of them were, by fome 
means, procured by the court of Spain, and the 
ablblute deftriidion of many of the poor people 
who had been concerned in traiafporting bullion 
into our iflands, was the confequence. This in- 
telligence I received foon ifterwards (having at 
that time the diredlion of the cuftom-houfe in Ja- 
maica) from a very refpeftable Spanifti merchant^ 
who produced to me a letter from Carthage- 
na, containing a recital of the fad, accompanied 



with many ftiocking circumftances of unrelenting c HA p. 
feverity in the Spanifh government. Informati- V. 
rion of this being tranfmitted to the Britiih mu^^^r^^ 
niftry, the former inftruftions were revoked, but 
the remedy came too late; — for what elfe could 
be expefted, than that the Spaniards would na- 
turally fhun all iatercourfe with a people, whom 
neither the fafety of their friends, nor their own 
evident intereil, was fufficient to eng^e to confi- 
dence and fecrecy ? 

The little trade, therefore, which now fubfifts 
with the fubje&s of Spain in America, is cliiefly 
carried on by fmall veiTels from Jamaica> whica 
contrive to efcape the vigilance of the guarda-- 
coftas. But although, with regard to the revival 
of this particular branch of commerce, I am of 
opinion, that the free-port law has not fo fully 
anfwered the ezpe£lation of its framers as might 
have been wilhed; its provifions, in other 
refpefts, have been very beneficial. It has been* 
uiged againfl it, that it gives occaiion to the 
introdudiqn of French wines, brandies, foap, 
cambrics, and other prohibited articles from^' 
Hifoaniola; and there is no doubt that fmall 
veflels from thience frequently claim the benefit 
of the free-ports, after having frauggled afhore, 
in the various creeks and harbours of this ifland, 
where no cuflom«-houfes areeftabli(hed,largequan- 
titles of brandy, to the great prejudice of the rum 
market, and other contraband goods. It may be 
urged too, that the permjffion given bv the aft to 
the importation of certain of the proaufts of the 
foreign iilands, is hurtful to the growers of the 
fame commodities in Jamaica. All this is 
admitted; but, on the other hand, confidering 
the revenues and commerce of the empire at 
large, as obje&s of fuperior concern to local in- • 
tereib^ it cannot be denied, that the woollen 



BOOK and cotton manufaflories of Great Britain are of 
II. too great importance not to be fupplied with the 
valuable materials of indigo and cotton-wool, on 
the eafieft and cheapefl terms poffible. The 
quantities of thefe articles, as well as of woods 
for the dyer, imported in foreign bottoms into 
the free-ports, are very confiderable. This fub- 
je& was thoroughly inveftigated by the Britifh 
Houfe of Commons in 1774 (when tne z6k would 
have expired) ; and it being given in evidence 
that thirty thoufand people about Mancfaefter 
were employed in the velvet manufiiAory, for 
which the Su Domingo cotton was bed adapted; 
and that both French cotton and indigo had 
been imported from Jamaica at le^fi thirty per 
cent, cheaper than the fame could have been 
procured at through France*— the Houfe, difre- 
garding all colonial oppofition, came to a refolu-< 
tion, " that the continuanjoe of free-ports in 
*' Jamaica would be highly beneficial to the 
" trade and manufaftures of the khigdom." 
The aft was thereupon renewed, and has fince 
been made perpetual. 

But the main argument which was originally 
adduced in defence of the eftablifhment of 
free-ports in Jamaica, was founded on the 
idea that thofe ports would become the great 
mart for fupplying foreigners with negroes. It 
was faid, that in order to have negroes plenty in 
our own iflands, every encouragement muft be 
thrown out to the African merchant, to induce 
him to augment his importations, and that no 
encouragement was fo great as that of an oppor- 
tunity of felling part of them to foreigners for 
ready money ; a temptation, it was urged, which 
would be, as it heretofore had been, the means 
that a number would be imported fufficientboth 
for the planter's ufe and for the foreign demand ; 



and it was added, that at all events the French CHAP, 
would deal with us, if the Spaniards would not. ^• 

Whether it be a wife and politic meafure at^ 
any time to permit Britifh fubjedls to fupply 
foreigners with African labourers, is a queltion 
that may admit of difpute. I mean, at prefent 
to confine myfelf only to a recital of fads; and 
it is certain ihnX the very great demand for 
negroes in the Ceded Iflands, for fome years after 
the ad firft took place, afJTeded the Jamaica im- 
port in a high degree; and in 1773, a circum- 
dance occurred which was thought to render a 
renewal of the free-port law a meafure of indif- 
penfable neceffity. In that ^ear the Spanifti 
Afliento Company at Porto-Rico obtained per- 
miflionto remove their principal fadlory to the 
Havanna, and to purchafe ilaves in any of the 
neighbouring iflands, tranfporting them to their 
own fettlements in Spanifti vefTels. It was eafily 
forefeen, that Jamaica, from its vicinity to the 
chief cclonies in Spain, in which negroes were 
moft in demand, would engage a preference 
from the p^^rchafers ; wherefore, that encourage- 
ment might not be wanting, the Britifti parlia- 
ment not only renewed the free-port law, but 
alfo took off the duty of thirty fhillings fterling a 
head, which, in the former aft, was exafted on the 
exportation of negroes, and laid only a duty of two 
fhillings and fix-pence, in lieu of it. The refult was 
— that the import for the next ten years, exceeded 
that of the ten years preceding, by no lefs than 
22,213 negroes : and the export furpafTed th^t of 
the former period, to the number of 5,952, Such 
part, therefore, of this encreafed export, as 
went tothe fupplv of the Spanifh colonies, wc 
may attribute to tne free-port law ; for it is pro- 
bable, from the circumftances ftated, that the 
ancient contraband fyftem is nearly at an end. 
In like manner it may be faid of the importation 
3 ^^ 


B O O K of foreign indigo and cotton, that if it be not 
n. made in foreign veflels, it will ceafe altogether ; 
^"'^^ and thus, inftead of infringing the navigation 
a6l, as fome perfons contend, the mealure of 
opening the ports is ftriftly confonant to the fpi- 
ritofthat celebrated law; for, byfurnifhing an 
augmentation of freights to Great Britain, it 
tends ultimately to the encreafe af our fhipping. 
Having now, to thebeft of my judgment and 
knowledge, fumiftied my readers with fuch par- 
. ticularsas may enable them to form a tolerably 
corre6l idea of the prefent trade and produftions 
of Jamaica, Ilhall conclude with a concife difplay 
of its progrefs in cultivation at different periods, 
for a century paft. 

By a letter, dated March the 29th, 1673, from 
the then governor, Sir Thomas^Lynch, to Lord 
Arlington, the Secretary of State, it appears, 
that the ifland at that time contained 7,768 whites, 
and 9,504 n^oes ; its chief produdions were 
cacao, indigo, and hides. ** The weather (ob- 
ferves the governor) Jiasbeen feafonable, and the 
' fuccefs in planting miraculous. Major General 
Bannifter is not now very well, but by the ne3ct, he 
fends your lordjhif a tot offugar^ and writes you 
itsjiotyy It would leem from hence, that the 
cultivation of fugar was then btit juft entered up- 
on, and that Blome, who aflerts there were feven- 
ty fugar-works in 1670, was mifinformed. So 
late as the year 1722, the ifland made only eleven 
thoufand hogftieads of fugar, of fixteen hundred, 

From that time I have no authentic account 
until the year 1734, when the ifland contained 
7,644 whites*, 86,546 n^roes, and 76,011 head 
^f cattle. The value of the imports from this 


• The circumftance of thcdecrcafe of the white inhabitants 

for the firft fixty years, may 'appear ftrange. It was owinff, 

whhoux doubt, to the decline ot the privateering trade, which 

jga ve /iiii employ inent to ih« ftrft. adNtnXAXT^tv 



ifland to Great Britain, about this period^ were CHAP, 
ftated (as we have feen) by the Commii&oners of ^* 
Trade, at £.539,499. i8- shfterling. Of the par- ^ 
ticulars I have no account. In the year 1739, 
the export of fugar was 33,155 hogftieads. 

In 1744, ^^^ numbers were 9,640 whites, 
1 1 2,428 negroes, and 88,036 head of cattle. The 
exports at this period, were nearly about 35,000 
hc^eads of fugar, and 10,000 puncheons of rum, 
exclufive of fmaller articles. The whole might 
be worth £.600,000 fterling. 

In 1768, the whites were fuppofed to have 
been 17,000. The number of negroes on the 
tax rolls were 166,914, and the cattle 135,773 
head. The exports (the value of which could 
not be lefs at that time than 1,400,000 fterling) 
were thefe : 

To Great Britain and Ireland 
To North America — 



To Great Briuin and Irebnd 
T« Nortli America — 

Total —— 

Exports FROM Jamaica, 1768, 

of Su- 
gar, of 

1 6 cwL gallons. 

Hhd». PunsofBagsof|Bag8ofjBajsofBag8of J^^ 
of Su- Rum, Pimen- Ginger,! Cot- .Coffee, j"T^ 
gar, of of no to, of of7olbs.ton,of | of I ^^^ 



— ,^—0— »i ^^ 

to, of of7olk>s«ton,vi I 01 I 1^^ 
xoolbs. |aooW».'ioolb«J.ifJ: 








1,1 1 z 







Feet of 



Tons of 
T«?sof Nc. (q^^^ 










C. 1. d. 










i^OOK Cultivation, in all parts of Jamaica, was now 
I^- making a great and rapid progrefs. In 1 7 74, the 
ejqports were confiderably increafed : The follow- 
ing account of them is extraded from the books 
of office, kept within the ifland. 

Exports Fi^OM Jamaica, 1774. 

To Crt It Britab and Ireland 
T« North Amoiea -*— - 

Total — 


Hhdi. of 

Sugar, o£ 


To Great Britain and Ireland 
To North America — 

Total «-— 


78,304 26,074 

Pont of Bags of 





go, of 
300 lU. 






Bigs of 
of 7otbs. 



Bags of 
of 100 lbs. 



ditto, of 
300 lbs. 

Bags of 


of 200 



60 gals. 

ions 01 




Feet of 















The amount of the fum toul, according to the 
prices current, including the fame allowance for 
mifcellanebus articles of which no precife account 
can be obtained as was allowed by the Infpedlor 
General for the year 1787, maybe fairly dated at 
two millions of pounds fterling. 



But Jamaica had now nearly attained the me- CHAP, 
ridian of its profperity * ; for early in the follow- V. 
ing ycair^the fatal and unnatural war which has '^^'nn^ 
tenninated in the di&nembermoLt of the empire 
began its deftni£Uve progrefs; in thecouifeof 
which, the blamelefs inhabitants of this and the 
reft of the Britifli fugar ifknds, felt all its effe&s 
without having merited the flighteft imputation 
on their condnd. Their fources of fupply for 
plantation neceflaries were cut off, and proteAion 
atfea, if not denied, was not given; fo that this 
produce was feized in its way to Great Britain^ 
and confifcated without interruption or mercy« 
To £11 up the meafure of their calamities, the an* 
ger of the Almightv was kindled againft them ; 
— ^no lefs than five ocftrudive hurricanes in the 
fpace of feven years, fpread ruin and defolation 
throughout every ifland ! The laft of thefe terri- 
ble vifitations in Jamaica, happened in I786» 
Since that time, however, the feafons have been 
favourable; and the crops of 1788, 1789 and 
1790, were confiderable. May the inhabitants 
be thankful that it has thus pleafed the Divine 
Providence to remember mercy in judgment ; 
and may paft misfortunes teach them thofe leflbns 
of fortitude, frugality, and forefight, which al- 
ways alleviate afflidions, and fometimes even 
convert them into bleffings. 


♦ The greateft improvement which Jamaica has mani- 
fefled (ince 1774, has been in the encreafed number of its 
cofY«e plantations. In that year, the export of cofFee, as 
we have feen, was 654,700 lbs. In 1780, the crop having 
been fhipped before the hurricane happened, the export was 
735,392 lbs. For the three laft years, of which I have any 
account, the export was as follows: 

1788 - 1,035,368 lbs. 

1789 - 1,493.^?^ 

1790 - ^785.74<^ 

I have obtained this account from the books of the naval offi- 
cer Lept in the ifland. 



BOOK Nothing now remains but to ftate the value of 
II. this ifland^ confidered as Britifti property; of 
which the eftimate is formed as follows : — 250,000 
negroes, at fifty pounds fterling each, make 
twelve milHoDsaud a half; the landed and perfo- 
nal property to which thefe negroes arc appurte- 
nant (including the buildings) are very fairly and 
moderately reckoned at double the value of the 
Haves themfelves ; making twenty-five millions 
in addition to the twelve million five hundred 
thoufand pounds I have ftated before ; and, in 
further aadition, the houfes and property 'in the 
towns, and the veflels employea in the trade, 
are valued at one million five hundred thoufand 
pounds more ; amounting in the whole to thirty* 
nine millions of pounds fterling. 






A Return of the number of Sugar Planta- 
tions in the Ifland of JAMAICA, and the 
Negro Slaves thereon, on the 28th March, 
1789, diftinguifliing the feveral Pariflies. 

PariflibfSt-Maiy - - - 

' St. Anne - - • 

■ St. John • - . 

St. Dorothy - - 

- St. Thomas in the Vale 

Clarcnilon - . - - 

Vc«e . :. - - r 

•' Su Catharine - - 


gjG Negroes 
W^ thereon. 





Totajl in the County of Middkfex 

Parifh of St. Andrew ■ - ^ 

— St. George - - - 

— Portland ... 

Port Royal - - - 

— St. David ... 

Su Thomas in the Eaii 

— Kingilon* - - - 




Total in the County of Surry - - 

Parilhof irelawney - 
— — St. James - 
— — *- Hanover 
— Weftmoreland 
-— St. Eiixabeth 



Total in the County of Cornwall - - 3Q7!57»835 




Total in Jamaica 

• 7101 


l^\i ^^^^ 


N U M B E R IT. 

An Hiftorical Account of the Conftitution of Ja^ 
maka ; drawn up- in 1764, for tie information 
of his Majejifs MiniJierSi hy his Excellency 
^ William Henry Lyttelton *, Givemor and Com- 
mander in Chief of that IJlAnd^ 

B O O K At does not appeal* that there was any form of 
II. civil government eftabliftied in the ifland of Ja- 

\,0nr^ maiea before tiie Reftoration ; when CoTone^ 
D'Oyley, who had then the cliief command un-» 
der a xrommlSipn from the Lord Protjefitor, was 
confirmed in that command by a commiflioi^ 
from king. Charles, dated the 13th 6f February, 

His commiflion, which recitets th^ kmg^s defire 
to give all proteAion and encouragement to the 
people of Jamaaca,' and to provide for its fecu-i 
rity and good government, empowers him to 
execute his truft according to fuch powers and 
authorities as are contained 91 his commiilion 
abd the inflru£iions annexed to ie,: aad fuch m 
rtiould.from tiipe to time be given to him 1^ 
his majefty, and* according to fuch good, jnft, 
, and reafonable cuftoms and coj^ftitutions as 
were exercifed and fettled in other colonies ; 
or fuch other as fhould, upon mature advice 
apd confideration, be held neceiferv and proper 
for the good government and fecunty of the if- 
! Und, provided they were not repugnant t6 th<* 
laws of England.- 


* Created Lord WeftcQte, of the kingdooi of Ireland, in 


It furtlier exopowers Hm to uke unto l^m a A?PSN- 
council of twelve perfons, to be ele8ed by the ^^* 
f^lt accordiag to the manner prefcribed in the ^ 
initru&ions ; and» by the advice of any five oir 
more of theni> to conftitute civil judicatori^ 
with power to adminifter oaths ; to command all 
the military forces in the ifland, and put in force 
and execute martial law; to grant commiflions^ 
with the advice of his council, for the finding 
out new trades ; and to do and perform all other 
orders which might conduce to the good of 
the ifland. The inflru&ions confift of fifteen 
articles : 

The firft dircAs the commiffi<m to be publiih* 
ed, and the king proclaimed^ 

The third regulates the manner of electing the 
council, eleven of which to be chofen indiffer- 
ently, by as many of the officers of the army, 
planters, and inhabitants, as could be conve* 
niently admitted to fuch eleflion, either at one 
or more places; which faid perfons, with the 
fecretary of the ifland, who was thereby ap- 
pointed always to be one, were eftablifhed a 
council, to advife and affift the governor in th^ 
execution of his truft, and five were to be a 

The fourth and fifth articles diredl the taking 
the oaths, and fettling judicatories for the civil 
affiiirs and affairs of the admiralty, for the peace 
of the ifland, and determining controvqrfy. 
^ The fixth diredls the governor to difcoun* 
tenance vice and debauchery, and to encourage 
minifters, that Chriftianity and the proteftant 
religion, according to the church of England* 
might have due reverence and exercife among 

The feventh direds the fortifications at 
Cagway to be completed, and empowers him to 



BOOR compel, not only foldiers, but planters, to work 
n. byturns. 

^ The eighth diredis him to encour^e the planN 
ers, and to aflure them of his majefty's protefti- 
on: and, by the ninth, he is to caufe an accurate 
furvey to be made of the illand. 

By the tenth it is direded, that the fecretary 
(hall keep a regifter of all plantations and the 
bounds thereof; and that all perfons ihall be 
obliged to plant a proportionable part thereof 
within a limited time. 

The eleventh and twelfth direft all encourage- 
ments to be given to fuch negroes and others as 
fhall fubmit to the government, and to merchants 
and fuch as fhall bring any trade there, and 
forbid monopolizing. 

The thirteenth direfts, that any veffel which 
can be fpared from the defence of the ifland, 
fhall be employed in fetching fettlers from any 
other colonics, and that no foldiefs be allowed 
to depart without licence. 

The fourteenth relates to the keeping of the 
ftores and provifions fent to the ifland : and the 
fifteenth dire£b the governor to tranfmit from 
time to time, a flate of the ifland, and all his 

In 1662, Lord Wind for was appointed gover- 
nor of Jamaica, by commiflion under the great 
feal ; which, befides containing the fame powers 
ais thofe contained in Col. D'Oyley's commiflion, 
direfts, that, in cafe of Lord Windfor's dying 
or leaving the ifland, the government fhall de- 
volve on the council, or any feven of them, and 
appoints a falary of two tnoufand pounds ftr 
ann. payable out of the exchequer. 

His inftrudions confifl of twenty-two articles. 
The firft diredis the publication of his com- 
« miflion : 

W£8T I NDIES. 341 

nifllon: and the fecond, the appointment of the APFEN^ 
council, according 10 his commiffion and the in- P^^* 
ftrudions. But it muft be obferved upon this '^^^""^"^ 
article, that no dire&ions whatever are ffiven, 
either in the comnuflion, which refers to the in- 
ftrudions, or the inftruAions themfelves, as to 
the mode kx which the council fhall be appointed ; 


The third, fourth, fifth, fixth, and feventh 
articles relate to the adminiftering oaths, efta- 
blifhing iudicatures, and providing for the fecu- 
rity of the adjacent ifles. 

The eighth dire^ encouragement to be given 
to planters to remove to Jamaica from the other 

The ninth direds 100,000 acres of land to be 
fet apart in each of the four quarters of the if- 
land as a royal demefne, a furvey to be made, 
and ar^ifterkept of all graxits, and a militia 

. The tenth dire£ls the planters to be encourag- 
ed, their lands confirmed unto them by grants 
under the great feal, and appoints 50,000 acres 
. of land to the governor, for his own ufe. 

The eleventh relates to the encouragement of 
an orthodox miniftry: and the twelfth eftablifh- 
es a duty of fyrtper cent, upon all exports afttf 
the expiration of feven years. 

The thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth; and £x- 
^teenth articles contain general dire^ions as to 
the liberty and freedom of trade (except with the 
Spaniardsr) aifillance to the neiffhbouring planta- 
tions, ana the fecurity of the iSand, by 4||)liging 
planters to refide in bodies together, and m con- 
tiguous buildings. 

The feventeenth dire£ls, that, a^ an encou- 
ragement to men of ability to (^o to the iflind, no 

VoL-L R offices 

BOOK ofesifeall^Baaby de|^\ftv^, Wifi^giV&kJibWw 
,.1L^^ fb'thetoverfiorbf fuf^eWlcto * ih^Mfe 

-^^ b^ tiBttMvibtik 

TKfe nincteejitli tr#owii^^^^ g6vcrn:br 16 

kiritit ro)/altied and mfodrt, dr fft^dfliips, to cbn^ 
uih lelTs thialn fiy^e hundifed kdrft.. 

The tweiitietfi empi:>\t'e^ tHfe -^oVewor, with 
kdviceoftlie coiiiifcH/ totdlWrcmbires, tbittikfe 
^W8, and, upon immjnept i^ecefjty, tolevynib- 
Uey; fticn liws to ^ m lor« yeard, axicino 
longer, uiilefe approved fefby (We trown» 

iS^^ ^A(? prpcTdhtntion of fke ' ii(.M of Deciiiiber^ 
1661, UpbH'wkick'tne pebple tf JdfriaicaU*it 
upon any Qccajion laid fo much Jlrefs^ ; ' 

\ *rli^ : proct^%ktioti wad ^tiblilhed fey Iftitl 
Wincl'forYi^^ Ms kraval; Wit iibthifig dfe ihV 
'ferial ai'ifes Sut" cif liis ftibrt' Wnrinifti^atioli ^worth 
potice, for Jhe ftaid but two months, and left tKc 
^iflarid,^^ his commlfflon, to 

Sir Chkrles L^ whb had been ap^pdint^ 

iieuteiiat goveii^^^^ and who governed With tlfe 
.^4vice bf'a council df twelVie/feppoirited by 1i?A* 
ietf, knd Jtated An afierii% thk; made a body of 
^JawSjamOiigtt which Was brie for raifiilg a ife- 
Vcinie. • • , 

Nothing^ how.ever/wliiciK appears to Be tti^^^^ 
'rial, as to th e form of the coiiftitutibli, dbchirred 
• ^duringlijs adniintftration,^^^^^^ continiied'dbWit 
twenty faibntha; when he Was itipeiTeded by tHc 
[arrival 6f % Thdrtas MbdyfbWr HvliO Ivks'fep- 
' jloiiited gov^rtiqr ih chief by a^cibiiitnflKdn tiiider 
the great feail, Which empb\i*rea hife ieither fo , 
ponftitute,, by his Own authority, ^^^nyy-iidi^^ 
of twelve tierfons, or to Continue tlie old die, and 
.to alter, 'cnkngfe, dr^aughient it' as he thbiight-toro- 

jpcr; tOcreaf(pJ)^dlcatoriiKS^ ^i|cj jnak.^ ljiw?,,vor. aSPEN- 

4er8, and |C9Qftitutions, jpjrpvide^ ,t)iey did ftot'-ljpc. 

jeKt<^ad to uJk^ j^LNyay ^ny f i^bt or freeholcl^ 0r '%iic >nF::V 

it^tereft of jany p.erlbn m t]:icir jights pr f^^^ 

^oods Qr chattels, a^d th?t t Jiey were yranfmitt^^d 
IP h^ majefty for aUowaixce or diljy)probfitiwi. " 
He w^s jfurtl^^r ejjnpowerqd to commajaW and 

4ifciplin?.air military ft>rces, to ufe martial laW 
upon pefibns i(^ ;pi]itary Jeryiqe, ^n^ ^ft^bliih 
articles Of >^'?ur;' ip create courts .of admiralty/ ac- 
cording jto fycjti ^]xi}\OTity ^$ hie jjioulci receiire 
from the iord- high admiral j tp eredl fprts ai^d 

,fort^c$KionB^; to eftahlilh ports^ cities, towns, 
boroughs, , apd villages; to -ciieate ^manors j^icj 
lofdlhipis ; ,tp pant charters to hpld fMrs ; to take 
rur\;eys, i^d k^,ep.r^CQrd|S of prll. grants of l^nds, 

.^undber fuch nu>4^rat|e quit-fp^^ Xervices, andac- * 
fcnoWlei^rpents ^s h'e iHbpuid ^hipk fit ; and to 
prefcribe terms of ^ultivat^^w ; and gi;ams j(b 
made under the feal, and enrotled, were to De 

, good an,d ^v^^Kd .-agaiftft tl^ .ceowp ; to' graat cjom- 
miflion^s ^or :9Ln^jng put nqw trades ; to pai^pn ajl 
offences, ^ e^^e^gt murder ajid tre^fpn, .anil in tJhto,fe 
cafes to reprieve tor twelve months. ' ' ^ 

He was alfo <rapower,^, with the adjvifie of 
tlic m^ority pf council, to frame a method ,fpr 

' efta^bliin^^g g^eral affemblies, and from tirue to 

, time to c^il^fiich affemWies together, and with 
thc;ir,confent to pafs ;ill mapner of laws, referv- 
jgo^.to hwi a negative voice ; as alfo, upon immi- 
nent occafions, to levy. money. Thefe laws npt 
toexteUjd to.takiifgaway anv pne's freehold, pr 
tothe^pfs of a member, ana to be in force only 
two years, unlefs approved^ and confirmed by the 


This coipmiffiop appoints a falary to the go- 
vernor qf one thoufand pounds per annum, pay- 
able out of the exchequer. 

?l 2 The 


B p k T*he inftruftions, which confift of twenty arti- 
lU cics, relate to the encouragement to be ^ven to 
' planters to come from the other colonies ; to the 
allowance fettled upon himfelf and the other of- 
ficers; and extend to mod of the points contain- 
ed in Lord Windfor's inftruftions ; but dircft, 
that the meafure of fetting out the 400,000 acres, 
>s a royal demefne, (hall be fufpended ; that no 
duties mail be laid in the ifland upon the import 
Or export of any goods for twenty-one years, nor 
fhall any duty be laid here upon the produce of 
Jamaica for five years, 
\ By thefe inftruAions it appears, that the crown 
allowed two thoufand five hundred^ pounds per 
annum for the fupport of government } znd What 
was wanted, over and above, was to be made 
good by a duty on ftrong liquors, either made 
or imported, to be levied by tne authority of the 
jfoveinor and council. 

In July, 1664, Sir Thomas Modyford iflued 
writs for eleAing two affembly-men fbr each pa- 
rifh; which affembly met m Oftober follow- 

It does not appear that this aflcmbly fat above 
a month or tWo before they were difTolved; but, 
during their feflions, they pafled a body of laws, 
which was tranfmitted to the lord chancellor, to 
be laid before the croM^n ; but, not being con- 
firmed, they would have expired at the end of 
two years; but (as L find it aiTerted bjjr Lord 
Vaughan) the governor continued them m force 
to the end of his adminiftration, by an order of 
council. I cannot, however, find this order up- 
on record, but, after that time, a great many or* 
dinances of the governor and council, in the na- 
ture and form of laws ; in fome of which it was 
declared, that they (hall continue in force until 


W E S T I N D I E S. Hi 


aaother aflembly was called, and then to be con- APPENi^ 
finned; altered, or repealed, as that aflembly y^? 
fliould fee convenient: but no other aflemblv 
was called during Sir Thomas Modyford's admi- 

In 1670, Sir Thomas Modyford was recalled:, 
and Sir Thomas Lynch appointed lieutenant-go- 
vernor and commander in chief, with the fam« 
powers as Sir Thomas Modyford had* 

On the iltoif December, 167 1, he iflued writs 
for calling an aflembly, to confift of two perfons 
for each pariih; which met on the 8th of Janua- 
ry, and fat till June following, when the go- 
vernor diflblved them, after having pafled a bo- 
dy of laws, which were tranfmitted to England, 
but were not confirmed. 

In May, 1673, Sir Thomas Lynch called ano^ 
thcr aflembly ; but, upon their refufiny to grant 
money for the fortifications, he diflblved it after 
fitting only a few days; and, in January follow* 
ing, upon confideration that two years wert al- 
moft expired fince making the body of laws, and 
that his majefty had not been pleafed to fignify 
his royal confent to them, a new aflembly was 
called, which met the i8th of February, and, 
on the 14th of March, a new body of laws was 
pafled, which were tranfmitted to England; but, 
not being confirmed by the crown, expired at 
the end of two years. 

On the 3d of December, 1674, ^^^ Vaughan 
was appointed governor of Jamaica. A council, 
confining of twelve perfons, was named in the 
commiilion, with power to him to expel or fuf- 
pend any of them, and, in cafe of vacancies, to 
fill up the council to nine. He was alio empow- 
ered to call aflemblies, according to the ufage of 
the ifland ; and, with the council and aflembly, 


2^6 * H I S TO kit OF t HE 

B O O K^b jpafs laws, which laws were to te in force for 
41. two years, linlefs the crowii's pleafure was ill 
v.^'-y-^^ the mean time fignified to the contrary, ind no 
longer, except they were approved and confirm- 
ed, within that time. In the pafling of thefe laws, 
the governor was to have a negative voice, and 
to diflblve any aflembly, as he ftiould think pro- 
per. , 

Upon Lord Vaughan's arrival m his Govern- 
ment, hf called au affembly, which met on the 
26th of Aprfl, 1675, and pafled a ^ew body of 
laws, . 

It does not appear when this aflembly was dif- 
folv'ed; but, in March, 1676-7, writs were ittii- 
ed for n new affembly, which ijiet on the 26th of 
that month; and, havinjg paffed feveral other 
laws, they were diffolved bipi the 2;6th of July : 
and the laws pafled By both aiTeAiblies having 
been tranfinitted to England, the council took 
therainto their confideration, and, after fre<!jueiit 
deliberations upon them, and many alteratibns 
propofed, they were referred, with the cbuncir?. 
obfervations upon,then^ to the attorney ^general 
to confider thereof, iand to form a new oody of 
laws for the good government of this ifland. 

With thef(? law s^ the council took into coiafi- 
deration the ftate and conllitution of Jamaica, 
and made the reports upon it hereunto annex- 
ed, vide DocununtSj No. i, 2. 

Thefe reports having been, confirmed, a com- 
raiflioh paired the great feal, coriftituting Lord 
Carlifle governor of Jamaica, by which, and l>y 
th<i inftruftions annexed thereto, {vide No. 3, 4.) 
the form of government propofed in the coun- 
cil's report v»as adopted and eftabliihed. 

Upon Lord Carlifle's arrival in his govern- 
ment, he found the people very much. duTatisfi- 
ed with and avcrfe to his new fOrm df govern- 
ment ; 

yr z a'l^ i N di f §.. I4^ 

Thele letters and papers being take^i j^^to con- ' 
fideration by the council, as alfo a report tbcre- 
9J1 tiy the cpDjpjitte^, t)if f»uncil, o^ ^h^ 4jh of 
April, 1670, ma^ the oroer, !% i^; 4^^ on 
the 28tfa ot May following,, the annexe4 feporti 
No. 12, was prclented fo hts piajeftj^; and, being 

mxk the aWP¥«4 letter, J^f?. ^3. 5 

' VpoQ receipt of thefe papers, the liord Cai^ 
lifl^ Wmmunicated them td the afteniWy; who 
j)i-efehted an aadrefs in anfwei' to tht retort ^0^ 
the 28th of May ; which addrefs was ttanuuitted 
to the council by Lord Carlifle. Vide No. 14, 15, 
16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 

On the 5th of March, i679*8o, the council took 
into coniideration the letters received from the 
Earl of Carlifle; and the annexed extra^s (Nb. 
21 to 38, inclufivc) of their proceedings will (hew 
iheir leveral refolutions and dire&ions in confe* 
quence thereof. 

It is impoflible, at this diftance of time, to 
judge what motives could have induced the coun* 
cil, after they had Ihewn fo much firmnefs and 
refolution to fupport the rights of the crown, by 
eftablifhing in Jamaica the Iri(h conftitution, to 
give the point up, as it appears they did by the 
annexed explanatory commiflion to Lord Carlifle, 
No. 39, which contains the fame power of mak- 
ing laws in affembly as is now given to the go- 
vemor of Jamaica, and which, from that time, 
has been minutely the fame; excepting only, 
that, in 17 16, the governor was direfted, by in- 
ftruflions, not to pafs any laws that fhould repeal 
a law confirmed by the crown, without a claufe 
of fufpenfion, or nrft tranfmitting the draft of a 
Wlijft^^* 3^j734» this limitation was extende^ 




BOOK to all laws for repealing others, though fuch re- 
I^I* pealed lawfhould not have been confirmed by 
'the crown*. 

* Neithei'6f thefe ordenire enforced, except in the cafe of 
private bills, the aiTembl/ haring conftantl/ rcfiifcd to admit 
lufpeAding danfin in an7 public aA, and the crown hat long 
£nce given up the point. It is impoffible to quit this Hifto* 
rical Account, vntnout lamenting that it9 able and accom* 

Eliflied author ihould have commttted himlelf ai he has done 
1 the concluding paragraph. The wiched attempt to intio* 
diice an arbitrar/ form of government, he vctttmjifptrtmg ihe 
fi^9jgbti $f ti^ cffnmi^ and 6emt very £mmfl^ to lament that 
die privy council had not firmnefs and tcfolution to perfift im 
their pr^jeA. 







The Right Honourable die Lords of the Committee 
for Trade and Plantations having this day prefented 
to die Board the enfuing Report ; vix. 

May it please yove Majesty, 

W E having, according to die truft repoled in us in re- APPEN- 
fcrence to your majefty's plantations, taken in confidera* DDC 
Cion the prefent ftate and government of the ifland of Ja« y 
maica, particularly fiich matters as, from the nature of affairs 
as they now ftand there, we have judged necefiary to be 
recommended to the Rifiht honourable the Earl of Carlifle, 
whom your majefty has oeen pleafed to nominate and con- 
ftitute governor of the faid ifland ; and having, after feve* 
ral meetinflrs, agreed upon the followinff particulars, we 
nuflt humbly crave leave to lay them before your majefty, 
for'your row determination. 

The ftrft point that did occur moft worthy to he confi* 
dered by us was, the power and manner <» enading laws 
for the civil, military, and eodefiaftica] government ^ and, 
upon taking a view of what has been pradifed finCe your 
majefty's inppy reftoradon in the leeifladve, we find, that 
the methods and audiorities for the framing and ordaining 

^5* histcjlrt. ai rut 

BOOK the (aid laws have been only fuch as were direded by your 
II. royal commifBon unto your niajcfty*s fcveral governors, or 
' prefcribed by the inftru£lions given them from time to 
time; and that as the conf^iuion^^d ^^ig^l^Y of a^irs 
have often changed, fo your majefty has thoiignt fit vari- 
oufly to adapt your royal orders thereunto; and, by the laft 
commiffion, given unto the Lord Vaughan, your majefty 
was pleafed to empower his lordfliip, with tkc advice of 
your majefty*s Council, from time to time . to fummon 
general affemblies of freeholders, who have authority^ with 
3>e advice ^nd 5onfci)t of .t|Lc goyctn6( ^i)d mincil jp 
make and ordain laws for the government of toe i(Iana ; 
which laws are to be jin force for the fpace of two years, 
except in the mean time your majcfty^s pleafure be fig- 
nUicd to the contrary, ^nd m ]pnsSX% unlefs they be con- 
firmed by your majefty within that time* Having, there* 
fore, directed our thoughts towanh the confequences and 
cSe(^ which have been produced, or may arife, from 
ll\is authority derived pn^ t)y £iid fj^ee^lders and plants 
ers, which we obferve to have received a daily increafc 
^y th^ refolutious they ^aye taken, lef^ (agtceabJe tp your 
|Q3^efty*s intention^ we po mort hun?My pflFef ouf opini- 
oas^ that the laws tranfmitted by the Lprd Vauglian, which 
arc now ^nder confideration in orckr to' "be" enabled by 
your majefty, may be entrufted in the hands of the £aa 
of Carliile, who, upon bis arrival 4n fh^ ifland^ mty offer 
them unto the next aftembly, that they may be coniipi|te|l 
HMt^lai IsKVtr^ prigvii^iyGQipU^ frpm .you;* nv^fiftf ;ia/d 
Aat, ifor ibfP (vtMre* J¥> legiJLjrivjc iifiexnbly b^ cjjjel wi^? 
•imt jKwr »iaiefty*8 fpftg^ JimSkioapi feiit tljat^ Hppo 
tmergeocies, the govempr diQ 9f:f\^mi ypftr jw^^y Jby 
kttecs, with jthie iMxeiTi^. of. gaUing iuqb ^ s^enfi* 
]bly, and pray your roajefty** ooofent 9iad ditfi^pns /or 
ihinr 4needng ; aod, u th^ Arot UAi^y 4o iprpfteait unto 
your majefty a (chem^ ,of jfuch aAs as lie JB^ umaIi: ^ 
and ,uQce&ry, that your ^majefty tpky tajcje ^e S^nx^ WQ 
poof^dioration, ai\d xeturn tl^ctn m the form whcxejo your 
majefty (hall think fit that they be cnaded; ?b^t d»e go* 
vernor, upqn receipt of your majefty -5 comrp^s, fiiall 
then (umnvH) aa 'aflemWy^and propofe ^c /aid tew[s ,fojr 
their ^confeot, (o that the laine tnetnpd in legiflaove piatr 
ters he mile uC^ .of in . Jamaica a$ in Ireland, ac« 
wording to. t^c form prcfaihii by .Poyniog^ Uwi and 
^ ' . .thatj 

W E S T I N D 1 E S. tax • 

fhat, therefore, the prefent ftvle of cnaAing laws, Sj /i^APPEM- 
g9vernotj counctly and refrepgrttatives of the conwMts of- DIX, 
fimbledj be converted into the ftyle o^ Be it maSfed by ^^ "^ 
the king^r mojl excellent majejly^ by and with the cohftnt 
of the general ajfemhly. 

We are further of opinion, that no efcheats, fines, 
forfeitures, or penalties* be mentioned in the faid laws 
to be applied to the public ufe of the ifland; and that . 
your majefty do inftruft your governor to difpofe thereof 
for the lupport of the government. It is alfo our opi- 
nion, that iti all laws (or levying of money, and raifing 
a public revenue, the claufes whereby die (aid levies are 
appropriated unto the public ufe of the ifland, without any 
nrcntton made d( your majeftv, or unto your majefty for 
the faid puWic ufe, are fo for cferogatory to your majefty's 
right of fovereignty, that Aey ougm to be, tor the f uturey 
altered and made agreeable to the ftylc of England* 

We do like^ife offer it unto your majefty as necefliary, 
that no miniftcr be received in Jamaica without licence 
from the right reverend the lord Mfllop of London ; and 
that none having his lord(hip*s licence be rejeded, with- 
out fufficient caufe alledged ; as alfo, that in the diredion 
of all church affairs, the minifter be admitted into the 
refpeftive veflries. . 

And whereas it has upon fome occafions proved incon* 
venicnt, that the members of the council have been con- 
ftituted by vour majefty's commiilion ; we are of opi- 
nion, that, for the future, they be only named in the in- 
ftrudion^ oi the governor; for the ftrcngthening of whofe 
syithority under your majefty we do offer, that he may 
have power to lufpcnd any of the faid members, if he 
fee juft caufe, without receiving the advice and confent 
of the council \ and alfo, that none of the faid fo fuf- 
pcrided, or by your majefty's order difplaced, from that 
truft, may be permitted to be received into the general 

And whereas nothing can contribute more to the wel- 
fare of your majefty's rifland, than that all means i>e 
found out for the incrcafe of trade ; we do offer, for the 
encouragement thereof, that a mint be allowed in Jamaica^ 
in fuch manner that no prejudice do arife unto your 
majefty's other dominions, or that what bullion is brought 
from thence may b<; coic|ed here in England; provided 
.^ . ' that 


BOOK that all fuch coins may bear your majefty's royal fuper- 
II* fcripcion, and not be impofed in payment elfewliere. 

AU which, tic. ' 

" TiNCIf, 




H. Coventry. 

TTio. Dolmax. 

His majcfty, taking the iame in confidera- 
tion» was pleafed to approve thereofi and 
did order, that the Right honourable Mr. 
Secretary Coventry do prepare a commif- 
fion and inftruAions for his majefty's royal 
fignature, for the Earl of Carlifle, accord- 
ing to die tenor of the £ud report*- 


At ihi durt at WltUhall^ tbt lyb cf Fibruarjy 

PRE8EKT> die King's Moft Excellent Majefty In Council. 

Upon reading this at the board, a report from 
the Right nonourable the Lords of the Com* 
mittee for Trade and Plantations, in the words 

May it pleafe your Majefty, 

HAVING received on die 12th of Januarv laft paft, 
firom die Right honourable Mr. Secretary Coventry, a 
draft of a commiffion and inftrudions tor the Earl of 
Carlifle, whom your majefty has appointed to be jrour 
governor of Jamaica ; and having, aner feveral additions 
and alieritions, remitted the (une unto Mr. Secretary 



Coventry, on the 2d inftant, we crave leave t6 offer toAPPE^- 
joor inajefty the moft material points which did occur DDC. 
onto us upon peruial of the (aid draft; which are at ((Am\ 
lowedi : 

ift. As we are of, opinion that all members of coun« 
cil in Jamaica may, for die more ealV paffing of laws, 
be admitted into the aflembly, if duly eleded bv the fretf* 
holders; fo we cannot but advife your majefty, that as 
well the membera of the laid council lufpended by 
your maiefty's governor, as die members difplaced by 
your majefty, may be rendered ino^ble during whico 
lulpeniion ot beii^ admitted into the auembly. 

2d. That although your majefty has, by an order of 
the i6th of November laft paft, thought fit that no aflem- 
bly be called widiout your majefty's elpecial leave and 
diredioos } we think it very important, for vour majefty's 
iervice and iafety of die iiland, that in cafe of invafion, 
rebellion, or fame odier very urgent neceffity, vOur ma* 
jefty's governor may have power, with the confent of the 
aflembly, to pafs a£h for raifing of money, to anfwer the 
occafions ariiina; by fuch urgent neceffities. 

3I That vmereas hitherto, within your majefty's ifland 
of Jamaica, the oadis of allegiance and fupremlacy have not 
been impo&d on perfons that bear any part of the govern* 
ment, except the members and ofEcers of the council, ^od 
all judges and juftices ; fo, for the prevention of Aiture 
inconveniencies, and greater afTurance of loyalty towards 
jrour mauefty, we are humbly of opinion, that ^ perfons 
. de^^ mto the aiTembly fhall, before their fitdpg, take 
die oaths of allegiance and fupremacy, which your ma- 
jefty's governor fhall commiffionate fit perfons, under the 
f<;al <^ the ifland, to adminifter iinto them, and that, with- 
out taking the faid oaths, none fhall be capable of fitting, 
aldiough deded. 

We have Kkewife, purfuant to jomt majefly's oniers, 
Mepared a body of laws, fuch as the Right honourable die 
Earl of Carlifle may be empowered to carry with him, 
and to offer unto the afTemblv of Jamaica for their con- 
fent. Whereas we do not find fince your majefty*s happy 
refloration, that any laws tranfmitted from your majefty*s 
plantadons have been confirmed by your majefty, either 
under the great feal of England, or any other fignification 
of your majefly's pleafure (the a£l of four and a half per 


fif HlfiTORT OF XHE 

-BOtSCJMf. k die GkfuiMbte tftmds ^y 'eicoQ(AQ49 ivtMch WM 

IL laoDfirinedi by the order lof /couiKil) mi ^ iatdidfd ids- 

^^^^ i ^m f bod-of Tn a ffiag tows in Jamaicl) kilth ^ot as y€t b^en {m^c 

in prafticc; we humbly crave your ma^efty Vropi 4etW* 

mioatitin, vhedieT'fhe mi IfnUrs ihs^ pw only by Qr4^ of 

jauk inajtfty in otesiciU or under the gr^ar i^ of £ng- 

<nnly ^t we taaty s^cordingly be «niiwd 6tfy tp prefe^ 

. themuAto your rojral vidvir. 

Ail which, I&V» 

His Majefty was' pks&d toordcr, that Mr. ^ 

Secreta^C3ov«n<Ty'4ofref>ar©LonlCaiiiffl^ ^ 

tommiffion «id inftrediofis cohoerning Acfe 
itisrtters -accordingly : -and as for the laws of 
the fiud ifland, hfe majefty, l^ ^ order of. 
the board, hath been 'pleapfed 'tfiis 6My to ide- 
ekii^ hrs plcafure, thatthe?y IhaJl -pais under 
iStt^ 'great feal ef England. 

N UAiB E R in. 

'^thch^dH 9f Kif^ Charles the Secaud-s Gonm^llm Uyibe 
£arl of Caxlifte. 

^ , • I , f 

*AKD we do herd)y give and grant vnto you, with^^e 
'^dVice and confent of the faid council, •full p^or and a«- 
thcrlty, Ifrtrni time^*time, as need ^^H require, to 6ii*i- 
"ihon or call general uflemblies of the -freeholders and plant- 
trJVithin the ik\& ifland, arid other theterritories under jour 
^overnmertt, in fueh 'manner and form as hath bcan-for* 
merly pra£lifed and ufed in the faid iiland of Jaonaica. • 

Ahd our •will 'and jJetfitre is, that the perfons therc- 
tipon duly defted, -and having before -iheir -fitting laltfn 
tile oaths of sdlegiance and ifap^^macy, (which you'^^U 
comhnlfflonate^fit perfons, under the feal of our iflaind, ^to 
Sulminifter, artd ^without taking which none (hall be ca- 
paWe of iitting, though eleacd)ft«H he called and hdd 
the general isifetibly of the faid ifland -of Jamaica, «iid 
other the territories thereon depending ; aiid ihall have Ml 
power afnd authority to agree and confent unto all fuch 



Itrnx^g^ttHhrStttrnk^ lor the public piM^ ^^^f^ and^^)^]^- 
l^Ooii ^dWrftiiEteltt ofthe^bM tftshd; anld oth«r the territ6ries IMX. 
VkreM 4l^pCMin|, ^i die :{k)dj^ sUfd MMbltaHt^ tHe^edf>Xi'-V*i^ 
^ ftdi ibflAJA-s as Oiall refbit thettuitt«> shd for theb^« 
^fit 6f oQr H^tirs and dutceSbf^ is having bten by yott^ 
"^ehh ad/itd aftd cdnftnt oTthe tHA cckincil) framed aild 
\rlnlinittef4 unt6 U^ in «rder to be here ena(9:ed, by otif 
^vitig our ^ohfent tfaereurtto^ diail be by u^ a!|(>prm'6i 
and remitted unto you under our great f<fal6f 'England | 
l^hidi laid fta(%ie^ la^ surf ^iifinaQces^ zte to be by 
you frTtiMd ^ n«^ lis tMVie^iehtly may be to die Ikwi 
luid AdHtvaes^ bur Ictngdom bf England. 

Aild iift 'ib A^rAy^ lieV^rfhelcfs, audiorifee mi *^* 
-oower ydd, In cafe of i^aitbn^ rebeSibn) or fdme very 
great heceAty^ to j^s an afi or w&Sy %y and wiA die con-* 
^nt of die general aflembly^ without tranfinitting the fame 
^rft \o \i9> b raiiedio^y Within die laid iflimd, ahd Ate 
lerrkorf^ v^ithin yoixt ^V'fcnniidit^ to anfu^r die occa* 
fioiis iU^ifihg by feeh largest neteffifies. 

Ahd v/c glVe f>M IJkeiWfe ftdl power. Tr6iti VJme to 
time, as you (ball judge k ^fSbCeiTai^, to diflblVe ail gene- 
ral aflembliesi as aforefaid* 


ixfraSi if Kinf Cbarks ihe'SednJPz InfiruGkfU U the 
Earl of Carlifli. . . 

A^D 'liWiereas 'by 6ur cdmmiffion we have'direSed 

ttiai, 'for the future, po gerieral afleitibly be called with* 

^>ut'otir'rpecial'diiie£liohs; but that) upon occafion^ vthi 

tb ^cqtaaint ^s by letter widi die heceffity of calltngdich 

-^kn aflctiiHyy and phiy' our conlent and diredions for their 

"meeting J you fliall, at the &me time, tranfmit unto \x^ 

with die -advice and ^confcht of the council) a draft of 

fudi a£h as you (hall think fit and neceflaiy to b^ pafTed) 

that wc'ihay take die &he into our cbnilderation, aiul 

totum drtm in the fprhi We fliall diink fit to be enad* 

cd: Jn and^iipon die receipt of t>ar cDmmands> you fliall 

then fummon an afTemblyi and propofe the (aid Iaw6 for 

•'fhcir cuhfciit. 



BOOK And accordingly we have ordered to be dcbftml witt 
IL you herewith) a certain body of laws, for the ufe of our 
^iaid ifland) framed in purfuance of ocfier hws tranfinitted 
unto lis "by former governors, with fudi alterations and 
amendments as we nave thought fit, with the advice of 
our privy-council here ; whi^ \xpon your arrival in our 
faid jfland, you (ball offer unto the next aflembly, that 
they may be confented to and enaded as laws origina% 
coming from us. 

We are willing, neverthelefs, that in cafe of invafion, 
rebellion, or feme very urgent neceiStyt you pa& an afi 
or a£b, with the content ^ the general aflembly, with- 
out tranfmitting the lame firft unto us, to raife money 
within the (aid ifland, and the territories depending there- 
on, to anfwer th^ occafions arifing by fuch urgent necef« 

And you (hall take care that the prefent ((yie of enaA^ 
ing laws. By the tovirfmr^ council^ and nprefentativis rf 
the commons ajjlmbudj be converted into the ftyte of. Be tt 
enaHii by the Jong's f^ excellent majejiy^ by and with 
the cofifent rf the general ajffimbly. 


Extraei ef a letter frm the Earl rf Carlijle to Mr. 
Secretary Coventry. 

I HAVE fpoken with feveral of the council, and find 
(bme of them much diflatisfied at the alterations in the 
laws and manner of pafling them, particularly at the latter 
part of the daufe in die militia biil : ^^ but that in all 
^ diings he may, upon all occafions or emergencies, 9& 
^ as captain-general and eovernor in chief, according to 
^< and in purfuance of aU the powers and authorities 
<< given unto him by his majefty's commiflion; any thing 
** in this cafe, or any other, to the contrary in any wife 
^ notwithftanding ;" which they are jealous of, left that 
thereby they fliall make it legal to. execute all inftru<£Hoos 
that either are or (hall be fent ^o me, or any oAer fuccccd- 
ing governor ; which fcruple might eafily be avoided, but 
A'dt the great feal being affixed to the laws^ I have do 



W E S T I N D I E S. 257 

power to make alteration^ which I might have done both APPEN- 
to their fatis&Sion and the prefervation of the king's DIX. 
rights. The aft for the revenue, too, I fear will not ^^i ^ -^ 
without difficulty pafs ; but I (hall endeavour all I can to 
bring them to pafs, for which I have greater Inducements than 
mv being here, without any hopes from the prefent ftate 
or the treafury, which is exhaufted and in debt for their 
new fortifications. 

N U M B E R VI. 

C9py 9f a litter to Mr. Secntary Coventry from the Earl 
of Carlijlr. 

St.JagOy iitb Septemben^ ib'ji. 

THE aflemblymet on the 2d inftant, and, I find, are 
fo diflatisfied widi the alteration of the government^ diat 
I queftion whether they will pafs any of thcfe laws: they 
have objeftions againft feveral of them ; as the aft for the 
revenue that is perpetual, and may be diverted ; they are 
nettled at the expreflion in the preamble, that the revenue 
was raifed by the governor and council \ and though they 
cannot deny it to be truth, yet they (ay that council was 
clefted by the people, and, though continued under the 
name of a council, yet was in effeft an aff^mbly or re« 
prefentatives of the people. 

I have given into their hands a copy of that aft and 
fourteen more, and gave them liberty to compare them 
with the original. The aft of militia and fome others I 
keep by me, till I fee what they will do with thofe they 
have. All the afts are not yet tranfcribed ; for but one 
man can write at a time, and they are bulky ; but I have 
enough to keep them employed. The fpeaker came to me 
on Saturday, to defire liberty to adjourn for a few days, 
which I confented to, and they adjourned till Thurfday 
morning. Lieutenant Colonel Beefton is fpeaker, who X 
recommended to them upon Sir Ft. Morgan's afiurances 
that he would behave himfelf well. He hath the general 
repute of an honeft and difcreet gentleman, though he 
figned the order about the privateer, at which fo much 

Vol. !• S pffcac^ 


[BOOK offence was taken; but I am fatisficd he was no further 
II* . faulty, than in complying with the direftions of the af- 
, v-^^-^p^-* fembly : and I the rather propofed him (whom they had a 
mind to choofe) to gain the point quietly of recommend- 
ing, which my Lord Vaughan, I am told, neglected to 

The afiembly appointed a committee to compare thefe 
laws with their former: it is faid they differ ia many 
things, efpecially from thefe laws laft fent from Lord 
Vaughan, which are moft ufefully framed for their j^re- 
fent benefit. 

Popular difcourfes here as wtll as in England; and I 
find a few men's notions have taken fuch place with the 
leading men of the affembly, that they rather fet them- 
fclves to frame arguments againft the prefent conftitution, 
than to accommodate things under it. I cannot yet tell 
you what courfe I (hall take to remove this difficulty; 
out I will do the beft I can. I find one of the council 
^ more faulty in this than any man in the ifland, but am 
unwilling to name him till I have tried the utmoft to 
reclaim him. 

iVhilft we are here bufy about fmall matters, I doubt 
your hands are full of greater, and may therefore forget 
^s. We bear the French and Dutch are agreed. 

I am. Sir, 

Your moft humble Servant^ 



Extras of letter from the Earl of Carlifle to the Committee^ 
2^ h October i 1678. 
My Lords, 

I H A VE met with the difficulties here I forefaw, but 
could neither avoid nor prevent, in England. The gene- 
ral affembly meeting on the 2d of September laft, I re- 
commended and fent to them the feveral bills I brought 
over under the great feal of England, for their confent to 
be enaded ; but being much diffatisfied at the new frame 

^ of 

W E S T I N D I E S. is9 

of government, and their lofing their deliberative partAPPEN- 
of power in altering and amending laws, they would not DIX. . 
pafs any one of them but threw them all out; but pre- 
pared an addrefs, with a bill of impoft upon wines and 
other ftrong liquors for one year, without giving me no- 
tice thereof, in fuch terms and form as was not fit for me 
to pafs it : but afterwards changing the ftyle of cnaftin?, 
as directed in my inftru£lions, with fome other amend- 
ments to this bill, the public neceffities of the ifland, hav- 
ing contra£ted many debts from new fortifications and fa- 
laries already due, requiring it, I gave the royal aflent; 
and dien, on the I2th this inftant 0£tober, I difiblved 
them. My eameft fuit to all your lordfhips is, that you'll 
pleafe to have me in }rour thoughts, and the prefent flate of 
this colony under your lordihips' confideration, for fome ex- 

Eedient which may be elucidatory to the power given me 
y my commiffion and inftruf^ions, which may quiet the 
minds of perfons generally diilatisfied in this ifland, which 
is moft certainly under the greateft hopes of improvement 
of all the iflands in the Weft Indies, and therefore moft: 
fit for to be encouraged, with the king's countenance and 
fupport, with good and acceptable laws* 

What bills I fhall fend to Mr. Secretary Coventry, I 
pray may be difpatched fpeedily when brougnt before your 
lordihips, and received; an order to be psuled througn all 
offices without delay, being in part of > what is fo very 
much wanting towards the fupport of the good government 
of this ifland. 


Copy of a letter from the Earl of Carlijle to the Committei* 

My Lords, 

A FORTNIGHT ago I gave you an account 
upon what terms I had parted with the aflembly. I have 
{\ncQ thoroughly confidered of what might in this place 
moft conduce to his majefty's fervice, and could not thinic 
of any better expedient than to fend the bearer, Mr. At- 
kinfon, to wait upon your lordfliips. He was fecretary to 
Sit Thontas Lynch and my Lord Vaughaii, and has been 

S 2 


BOO K enough acquainted with all my proceedings lince mjr arri- 
II* val, lo as perfe£Uy able to (atisfy your Tordfliips in any 

v^'TP^^ thing you may deure to know concerning the place, and 
to lay before you all the feveral interefts of his majefty re- 
lating; to it. 

JViy Lords, I find that the prefent form appointed for 
the making and paffing of laws, confidering the diftance 
of the place, is very impracticable, befides very diftafteful 
to the fenfe of the people here, as you may oblerve by the 
aflembly's addrefs to me ; and if your lordibips will pleafe 
to move his majedy to fend me a general inftru£tion to 
call another aflemb|y, and to re-ena£t and make what laws 
are fit for this place, I could then order the matter to con- 
clude efFedhially to his majefly's fervice. I have, by Mr« 
Atkinfon, fent you the draifts of fuch bills as are the moft 
fundamental, and chiefly concern his majefty's intereft; 
and I do affure you, that I will not in any material point 
vary from them* ^ He will, whei\ your lordfbips order him 
to attend you, lay them all before you, and, I believe, 
give your lordfliips fuch thorough fatisfa&ion, that you will 
reft a/Tured that what I defire is for his majefty's fervice, 
and that I fhall be enough enabled by it to fettle every 
thing upon fo eood a foundation, that neither his majefty 
nor your lordmips will ever repent of having made any 
deference to my opinion : in it, my lords, much fucce^ 
depends upon tne difpatch, and of the circumstances Mr. 
Atkinfon will eive you an account. His bufineis is 
wholly to attend your lordfbips, and, I believe, he vrill 
always be in the way. He has prayed me to intercede with 
your lordfbips, to excufe what errors he may commit, as 
having been a Weft-Indian for thefe eight jrears paft, and 
do on his behalf beg that &vour of your lordfbips ; but 
hope that he will prove fo difcreet, as to give your lord- 
ibips iio manner of offence. I thought it die readieft and 
beft way to have all things righdy underftood, and do hope 
that iftUe will be product from it. 

I am, pur LonUhips* 

Moft humblei and obedient fervant, 

C A R L I S L £• 

Si^ Jago di la Viga^ Nov. 15, 1678. 




Extrs^ of a liter from the Earl of CarlifU to Mr. Secretary 

ON the 2d of September laft, the general affembly APPEN. 
met; but under fo much diilatisfadion, from the new DIX.J 
frame of government, and their lofmg their deliberative v-^-jpw 
part of power in framing, altering, and amending laws, 
that they Tpent near a fortnight very une^fily about fome 
of the laws, and would have begun with the bill of reve- 
nue to have thrown that out fir(r, as a mark of their dif- 
allowing the new method of government, being fo highly 
inceiifed diat diey were near queftioning the king's power 
and authority to do it; inf<9much, that I, taking the main- 
tenance thereof to be in my charge, and finding fome of 
the council equally difgufted at the change of government, 
and forefeeing that it was like to encourage difcontent in 
the affembly, to take them off, and leave the aflembly upon 
their humour by themfelves, I thought it abfolutcly 

neccflary to put this queftion to each of the counfellors, in 
thefe words: •" Do you fubmit, and confent to this prefcnt 
** form of government which his majeftv hath been pleafed 
** to order for this ifland of Jamaica r* To which the 
chief-juftice. Colonel Long, refufed to anfwer, with two 
more, Colonel Charles Whitfield and Colonel Thomas 
freeman. The chief-iuftice, being a man of very 
great influence upon the affembl v, 1 prefently fufpend- 
cd, and gave the other two (lefs dangerous) till morning 
to confider on it ; and then the chief-juftice fent to me his 
fubmiffion under his hand, and Col. Freeman fubmitted ; 
i)ut Col. Charles Whitfield, otherwife a very good man, 
went away into the country. 

The affembly received and examined all the laws I 
brought over, and drew up their reafons againft paffin^ 
them; of each, many were very frivolous, and the beft 
was, becaufe they were not compared* with and amended 
by Ae laft laws of my Lord Vaughan*s, now with you, 
and received fome two davs before my coming away, the 
fleet then ftaying in the Downs, and my departure much 
preffed upon the expectation of war. Thcfe resifons againft 

i6i H I S T O R Y O F T HE 

BOOK the revenue bill I anfwcrcd individually; but no means 
n. or endeavours either I myfelf, the council, or both could 

^^^X^^^ uf<^ would prevail with them to pafe any one of them ; and 
I look upon this to be their chief reafon, that by not paff- 
ing them they might the better ihew their diflike of that 
new way of government; though they urge this for their 
enjoying a power of altering and amending laws, the ne- 
ceiStv of changing them as often as occafions do require, 
and the diftance from this place is fo great, that before the 
king's approbation can be obtained to a law, and returned 
hither, it may be fit for the public good either to lay that 
law afide, or much to change and alter it; and, indeed, 
in this part of the objeftion I think they are in the right, 
for that they will want temporary laws till the colony be 
better grown : and, upon thorough confideration of the 
whole matter in this part^ I am of opinion it is very ad- 
vifeable and requifite that there fhould be leave and power 
from the king to make laws (not relating to his majefty's 
power or prerogative) to endure for fome term till his royal 
approbation may be had therein ; and of this I do eameftly 
entreat your care. 

Having ufed all methods poffible with the feveral mem- 
bers apart, and jointly with the body of the afTembly, for 
the paffing the laws, I was, after many conferences and 
debates, and feveral adjournments, fruftrated, and they 
threw them all out. Afterwards, in a full body, by the 
fpeaker thev gave roe the indofed addrefs, and prefented 
to me a bill tor a public impoft, prepared without giving 
me notice thereof, in fuch terms and forms as was not fit 
for me to pafs it in ; but at lafl in fome part consented to 
fuch amendments as I and the council thought fit, chang- 
ing the ftyle of enafting as direfted in my inftrudtions, 
but reftraining it to one year, from a fear that, if they 
Ihould have made it perpetual, they (hould be aiTembled no 
more, but be governed by governor and council as they 
were in Co). D'Oyley's time, when they enadted laws, ilot 
only for the revenue but other occafions, by governor and 
council, and fome part of Sir Charles Lyttekon's time, as 
appears by our council-book upon the place; and Sir 
Thomas Modyford had an inflruftion to continue this 
revenue by order of governor and council, the afTembly 
in his life-time paffing it perpetual ; and in Sir Thomas 
Lynches time the aflembly made it perpetual, but, for 
want of the king's confent, they both are fallen ; but 




now, the aflembly &y, they are of a better underftand- APPEN- 
ingthaii to give the reins out of their own hands. DIX. 

To this bill, the ifland's affairs being under great pref- Vi*^^^^^ 
fures from public debts contrafted for the new fortifica- 
tions and falaries already due, I gave the royal afTent; and 
riien, being the lath inftant, I diflblved them. 

Which having done, and not being fatisfied with the 
behaviour of the afTcmbly in their proceedings in relation 
to the government I flood charged with, mofl of them 
being in military trufls, I put this queflion to each of 
them : " Do you fubmit to this form of government which 
** his majefly hath been pleafed to order for this ifland of 
** Jamaica ?" to which feveral of them neither gave me a 
dutiful nor chearful anfwer; fome did, and at this fome are 
much diflatisfied. 


May it pleafe your Excellency, 

WE, the members chofen by his majeflv's writ to be 
the general alTembly for this his ifland of^ Jamaica, do, 
with a great deal of thankfulncfs, acknowledge the princely 
care which his majefly hath been ever pleafed to have of 
this his colony, and of which vour excellency hath liJfe- 
wife given to Us verv late anci frelh afTurances: and, in 
obedience to his majefty's commands, we have perufed the 
feveral bills which your excellency fent us; and, havm^ 
duly examined the matters contained in them, we could 
not give our confent to any of them, there being divers 
fundamental errprs, which we particularly obferved, and 
did caufe them to be entered in our journal ; and from the 
confideration of them, we cannot but refleft, and do hum- 
bly beg your excellency to reprefent unto his mofl facred 
majefty, the great inconveniencies which are like to re- 
dound unto this his ifland by this method and manner 
of pafSng of laws, which is abfolutely imprafticable, and 
will not only tend to the great difcouragement bf the pre^ 
fent planters, but likewifc put a very fatal flop to any 
further profecution of the improvement of this place, 
there being nothing that invites people more to fettle and 
remove- their hanly and ftocks into this remote part of 



BOOK the world, than the aflurance they have always had of 
!!• being governed in- fuch manner as that none of their 
* rights mould be loft, fo long as they were widiin the do- 
minions of the kingdom of England : nor can we believe 
that his majefty would have made this alteration, had he 
been truly informed of his own interefts, and of that which 
is proper and natural for the conftif ution of this ifland. 

My lord, you that are now our governor, and here 
upon the place, cannot but diftinguim both, and plainly 
fee that which, at great diftance, is impofEble to be known, 
being always diftinguifhed with the falfe colours of intereft 
and defien. It is to you, therefore, we addrefs ourfelves; 
and do numbly beg you to aflure his majefty, which we 
do {rom the bottom of our hearts unfeignedly declare, that 
we are his true, faithful, and loyal fubjefts. In the next 
place, fir, we humbly beg you to lay before his majefty 
the true condition of this ifland, and the feveral circum- 
ftances wherein it ftands : die fituation and natural advan- 
tages of the place will very probably, by God's blefling, 
in a very fhort time, make it very confiderable. It were 
pity, therefore, that any ftop in its infancy (hould be put 
to It, which may hinder its future growth, and difappoint 
thofe hopes which his majefty hath ever had, and which 
will no doiibt of it come to pafs, that, if this ifland be 
encouraged by good government and wholefome laws, it 
will effeftually ferve very many interefts, both of his 
majefty's crown and the nation's trade. 

Sir, the prefent form of the government, as it is now 
appointed, has thefe plain and manifeft inconveniencies 
in it^. 

ift. That the diftance of this place renders it impoffible 
to be put inpradiice, and does not in any manner fall under 
the (kme confideration as Ireland does, from which we con- 
clude, the example is taken. 

2d. The nature of all colonies Is changeable^ and con- 
fequently the laws muft be adapted to the intereft of the 
place, and muft alter with it 

3d. It is ho fmall fatisfadHon that the people, by their 
reprefentatives, have a deliberative power in the making of 
laws; the negative and barely refolving power being not 
according to the rights of Englifhmen, and pra£iifcd no 
where but in thofe commonwesJths where ariftocracy pre- 

4th. This 


4th. This manner of form of the government brings APPEN- 
all things abfolute, and puts it into the power of a gover- DIX. 
nor to do what he pleafes, which is not his majefty's ipte- ' 
reft, and may be a temptation for even good men to com-» 
^mit great partialities and errors. 

5th. The method which has been always ufed, both in 
this ifland and all other colonies, in the making of laws, 
was a greater fecurity to his majefty's prerogative than the 
prefent form j for a governor durft not confent to any thing 
a^inft his intereft ; and if he did, the (ignification of the 
kmg's pleafure determined the laws, fo that his majefty had 
thereby a double negative. 

Thus, fir, we have truly l^^d before your excellency 
our real fenfe ; and do hope that your excellency, being 
thoroughly fatisfied of the mifchie^ which will certainly 
arife to this place from the reafons we have given, will in 
that manner reprefent our condition to his maiefty, that he 
may be thereby induced to give an inftruaion to your 
excellency, to pafs fuch laws as are municipal and fit for us, 
and in the fame manner which has ever been pradifed in 
tills ifland and other hismajefty's colonies; we, having no 
other claim in it than to exprefs our duty to the king, and 
our unfeigned fervice and gratitude to your excellency, 
for mediating that which is fo much for his majefty's 
and the ifland's intereft. 

And we do here likewife prefent unto your excellency 
a bill for the raifing a public impoft unto his majefty, his 
heirs and fucceflbrs, for the fupport of this his govern- 
ment J and do hereby beg your excellency to accept of it 
as a real demonftration of our loyalty to our prince and 
fervice to your excellency, with afliirance that we (hall, 
upon all occafions, be ready to exprefs fuch further tefti- 
monies of the fame as may be fuitable to our duty and 
.^legiance. ' 




Jt the court at Whitehall^ ^h of Jprlly 1679. 

pR£S£NT, the King's Moft Exccllexit Majefty in Council. 

Whereas the Right honourable the Lords of the 
Committee for Trade and Plantations did this 
day make report unto his Majefty in Council, 

THAT having, in purfuance of his majefty's order, 
confidercd the prefent ftate and conftitution of Jamaica, 
and the government thereof, as it is fettled by his majefty's 
command, their lordflilps fee no reafons why any altera- 
tions ihould be made in the method of making laws ac- 
cording to the ufage of Ireland, for which their lordfhips 
are preparing reafons to evince the neceility and legality 
of the fame. And that whereas a (hip is now lying in the 
Downs, bound for that ifland, their lordfhips advife, that 
the Right honourable Mr. Secretary Coventry do, by this 
conveyance, inform the Earl of Carlifle of his majefty's 
pleafure herein, with dire&ions that all things be difpofed 
to this end ; and that, in the mean time, the prefent laws 
enabled by Lord Vaughan be continued by proclamation, 
or otherwife, until his maiefly's pleafure be further known; 
as alfo that bis lordfhip do, by the firfl conveyance, fend 
fend over an authentic copy of the aft for a public impofl, 
lately enafted there, accordfing to his lordfhip's inflruftions 
for matters of that nature. 

His majefty, having thought fit to approve there- 
of, was pleafed to order, as it is hereby or- 
dered, that the Ri^ht honourable Mr. Secre- 
tary Coventry do fignify his majefty's pleafure 
unto the Earl of Carlifle, according to the 
faid report. 






Jt the Court at Wlitehally the iSih of May^ 1679. 

Present, the King*s Moft Excellent Majefty in Council. 

Whereas there was this day read at the Board 
a Report from the Right honourable the Lords 
of the Committee for Trade and Plantations^ 
in the words foliloWing j viz. 

May it pleafe your Majefty, 

WE have, in obedience to your majefty*s commands^ 
entered into the prefent ftate of your majefty's ifland of 
Jamaica, in order to propofe fuch means as may put an 
end to the great difcouragement your majefty's good fub- 
jeds there lie imder by the unfettled condition thereof, oc- 
cafioned by the refu(al of the laws lately offered by the 
Earl of Carlifle to the affembly for their confent ; at which 
proceedings diflktisfadtion appears to have rifen in the 
mangier following : 

By the comnnffion granted by your majefty unto the 
Lord Vaughan and feveral preceding governors, it was 
yoor royal pleafure to entruft the aflembly of Jamaica with 
a power to frame and ena^ laws, by the advice and con- 
fent of the governor and council; which laws were to 
continue in force for the fpace of two years, and no long- 
er : but fo it hath happened, that your majefty, finding the 
inconveniencies which did attend that power and manner 
of making laws, by the irregular, violent, and unwarrant- 
able proceedings of the alfcmbly, was pleafed, with the 
advice of your privy council, to provide, by the Earl of 
Carlifle's commiffibn, that no laws fhould be enaSed in 
Jamaica, but fuch as, being framed by the governor and 
council, and tranfmitted to youir majefty for jrour royal ap- 
probation, were afterwards remitted to Jamaica, and con- 
fented unto by the aflembly there; and, in purfuance there- 


BOOI^ of, the Earl of Carllfle carried over a body of laws under 
IT. the great feal of England ; which laws, upon his lord-* 
r fhip's arrival there, have been rejeded by the general af. 
fembly, upon' grounds and rekfons contained in an ad- 
drefs to vour majefty's governor, and in divers letters 
received from his lordlhip in that behalf. 

ift. In the firft place, we find, they are unfatisfied with 
the claufe in the militia bill, whereby it is provided, that 
the governor may, upon all occaAons or emergencies, ad 
as governor in chief, according to and in purfuance of all 
the powers and authorities given unto him by your ma- 
jefly's commiffion ; fearing; that thereby they mall make it 
legal to execute all infl:rudions that either are or (hall be 
fent your majefty's governor. . 

aaly. They have Tikewife rejeSed the bill for raifme a 
public revenue, as being perpetual, and liable (as they Uy) 
to be diverted* 

jdly. It is obje£led that the £ud laws contain divers 
fundamental errors. 

4thly. That they were not compared with, and amended 
by, the laft laws fent over by Lord Vaughan. 

5thly. That the diftance of the place renders the pre- 
fent method of pailing laws wholly imprafUcable. 

6thly. That the nature of all colonies is changeable, and 
confequently the laws muft be adapted to the intereft of 
the place, and alter with it. 

ythly. That thereby they lofe the fatisfadion of a deli- 
berative power in making laws. 

Sthly. That diis form of government renders your go- 
yernor abfolute. 

9thly. That by the former method of ena£ting laws 
your majefly's prerogative was better fecured. 

Thefe being the objedions and pretences upon which 
the aflfembly has, with fo much animofity, proceeded to 
rejeft thofe ^bills tranfmitted by your majefty, we cannot 
but ofFer, for your majefly's information and fatisfat^ony 
fuch a ihort anfwer thereunto as may not only give a 
teilimony of the unreafonablenels of their proceedings, 
but alfo furnifh your governor, when occaflon fhall ferve^ 
with fuch arguments as maybe fit to be ufed injuftifi- 
cation of your majefty 's commiffion and powers granted 
unto him. 

ift. It 

W E S T I N D I E S. 76^ 

xft. It is not without the grcatcft prefumption Aat they APPEN- 
go about to queftion your majefty*s power over the militia DDC 
in that ifland, fince it has been allowed and declared, even K^^-f^^ 
by the laws of this your kingdom, that the fole fupreme go- 
verment, command, and difpofition of the militia, land of 
an forces by fea and land, and of all forts and places of 
ftrength, is refiding in your majefly, within all your ma« 
jetty's realms and oominions. 

2d. The obje£lion made againft the bill for the public 
revenue hath as little ground, fmce its being perpetual is 
no more than what was formerly offered by them unto vour 
majefty, during the government of Sir Thomas Lyncn, in 
the fame meafure and proportion as is now propofed; nor 
can it be diverted, fmce provifion is thereby exprefsly 
made, that the fame (hall be for die better fupport of that 
government ; befides, that it is not fuitable to die duty and ^ ' 
modefty of fubje^, to fufpe£t your majefty *s juftice or 
care for the government of that colony, whofe fettlement 
and prefervation have been moft particularly carried on by 
your majefty's tender regard, and by the great expence of 
your own treafure. 

3d. It cannot with any truth be faid, that diefelaws con« 
tain many and great errors, nothine having been done 
therein but in purfuance of former laws, at divers times 
enaded bv the aflembly, and with the advice of your ma- 
jefty's pnvy->council, as well as die opinion and approbation 
cf your attorney-general, upon perufal of the fame. 

4th« To the fourth objeAion it may be anfwered, tha^ 
if any thing had been found of moment or importance in 
the laft parcel of laws tranfinitted by the Lord Vaughan, 

Eur. majefty's tender care of your mbieds welfare would 
ve been hich as not to have fent thole bills imperfect, or 
defedive in any neceffary matter* 

5du As to die diftance of the place, which renders (as 
they lay} the prefent method of making laws altogether 
impraaicable, your majefty having been pleafed to regulate 
die fiune, by the advice of your privy-council, according 
to the u(age of Ireland, fuch care was taken as that no law 
might be wanting which might conduce to the well-beins; 
of the plantation, and that n^ing might be omitted whi<£ 
in all former governments had been thought neceflary ; nor 
is it likely that this colony is fubje^ to greater accidents 
than your kingdom of Ireland, to as to require a more 


f 70 H I S T O R Y O F T H E 

BOOS frequent and fudden change of laws in other cafes than foch 
!!• as are already provided for upon emergencies^ or in other 
manner than is diredbd by your majefty's commiffion ; 
whereby the inhabitants have free accefs to make complaints 
to your governor and council, of any dek& in any old 
law, or to give reafons for any new one, which, being 
modelled by the governor and council into form of law, 
and tranfmitted unto yoar majefty, if by your majefty and 
council found reafonable, may be tranfmitted back thither 
to be enaSed accordingly. 

6th« It was fufficiently apparent unto your majefty, that 
laws muft alter with the intereft of the plaice, when you 
were gracioufly pleafed to lodge fuch a power in that go- 
vernment, as might not only, from time to time, with your 
majcfty's approbation, ana by the advice both of your 
privy-council here and of the jgovernor and council there, 
enable the afTembly to ena£t new laws anfwerable to their 
growing neceffities, but even, upon urgent occafions, to 
provide, by raiftng money, for the fecurity of the iiland^ 
without attending your majefty's orders or confent. 

7th. It is not to be doubted,but the affembly have en- 
deavoured to grafp all power, as well as that of a delibe- 
rative voice, in making laws ; but how far they have there- 
to intrenched upon your majefty's prerogative, and exceeded 
the bounds of their duty and loyalty, upon this pretence, 
may appear by their late exorbitant and unwarrantable 
proceedings during the government of the Lord Vaughan, 
in ordering and finning a warrant unto the marfhal of the 
ifland, your majefty's officer of juftice, for the flopping 
and preventing the execution of a fentence paftedy^accord- 
ing to the ordinary forms of law, upon a notorious pirate 
and difturber of your majefty's peace: and they have fur- 
dier taken upon them, by virtue of this deliberative pow- 
er, to make laws contrary to thofe of England, and to im- 
priibn your majefty's fubje£ts ; nor have they forborne to 
raife money by public a£ls, and to diipofe of the fame ac- 
cording to their will and pleafure, without any mention 
made of your majsfty, which has never in like cafe been 
pra£lifed in any of your majefty's kingdoms. How far, 
therefore, it is fit to entruft them with a power which they 
have thus abufed, and to which they have no pretention of 
right, was the fubjed of your majefty's royal commiffion, 
W^en you were pfeafed to put a reitramt upon thofe enormi- 

W E S T I N D I E 3. ,«7f 

ties, and to take the r^ins of government into your own APPEN* 
hands, which they, in exprefs words, againft their duty ^ D IX> 
and allegiance, have challenged and refufed to part with. ' 

8th. It cannot with any truth be fuppofed, that, by the 
prefent form of government, the governor is rendered ab- 
folute, fince he is now, more than ever, become account- 
able unto your majefty of all his moft important delibenu 
tions and suSions, and is hot warranted to do any thine but 
according to law and your majeft/s commiffion and iiv- 
ftru£tions, given by advice of your privy-council. 

9di. And whether your majefty's prerogative is preju- 
diced by the prefent conftru&ions, is more the Concern- 
ment of your majefty, and fubje& of your own care, tbaD 
of their confiderations, 

Laftly, and in general, we humbly ccmceive, that it would 
be a great (atisfaSion to your fubje£b there inhabiting, and 
an invitation to ftrangers, when th^y (hall know what laws 
they are to be governed by, and a great eafe to the planters 
not to be continually obliged to attend the aflemblies to rem 
ena£l old laws, which your majefty has now thought fit, in 
a proper form, to afcertain and eftablifh i whereas the late 
power of making temporary laws could be underftood to 
bt of no longer continuance than until fudi wholefome 
laws, founded upon fo many years experience, ihould be 
agreed on by the people, and nnally enaAed by your ma- 
jefty, in fuch manner as hath been pra£iifed in either of 
your majefty's dominions to Which your Englifh fubjeds 
have tranfplantdd themfelves. For as they cannot pretend 
to furdier privileges than have been granted to them, either 
by charter or fome folemn 2£t under your great feal, fo^ 
having from the firft beginning of that plantation been 
governed by fuch inftru(^ions as were given by your ma- 
jefty unto your governors, according to the power your 
majefty had originally over them, and which you have by 
no one authentic a^ ever yet parted with, and having 
never had any other right to aflemblies than from the per- 
miffion of the governors, and that only temporary and for 
probation, it is to be wondered how they (hould prefume to 
provoke your msgefty, by pretending a right to that which 
hath been allowed them merely out of favour, and difcou- 
rage your majefty from future favours of that kind, when 
what your majefty ordered for a temporary experiment, to 
fee what form would beft fuit the fafety and intereft of the 
ifland, ftiall be conftrued to be a total refignation of the 

/ power 




BOOK power inherent in your majefty, and a devolution of it td 
II. themfelves and their wills, without which neither law nor 
v— ^ governiiient, the effential ingredients of their fubiiftence 
and well-being, ipsqr take place among them. 

Since, therefore, it is evident, that the affembly of Ja- 
maica have, without any juft grounds, and widi fo much 
animofity and undutifulnefs, proceeded to rejed the marks 
of your majefty's favour towards them, and that your 
majefty^s resolutions in this cafe are like to be the meafure 
of refped and obedience to your royal commands in other 
colonies; we can only offer, as a cure for irregularities paft 
and a remedy againft all further mconveniencies, that your 
majefty would pleafe to authorize and empower your go- 
vernor to call another affembly, and to reprefent unto them 
the great inconvenience and expediency of accepting and 
conSnting unto fuch laws as your majefly has under your 
great feal tranfmitted unto them ; and that^ in cafe or re- 
ftifal, his lordfhip be furnifhed with fuch powers as were 
formerly given unto Col. D'Oyley, your firfl governor of 
Jamaica, and fince unto other governors, whereby his lord- 
fhip may be enabled to govern according to the laws of 
Englana, where the difrcrent nature and conftitution of 
chat colony mav conveniently permit the fame; and, in 
other cafes to a^, with the aavice of the council, in fuch 
manner as (hall be held neceffary and proper for the good 
government of diat plantation, until jrour majefty's further 
orders ; and that, by all opportunities of conveyance, the 
governor do give your majefty a conftant and particular 
account of all his proceedings, in purfuance of your in- 
firu£lions herein* 

All which is moft humbly fubmitted, (^c^ 

Upon reading of which report, and fiilWebate there- 
upon, his majefty was pleafed to approve the £une : 
and die Right honourable Mr. Secretary Coventry 
is hereby direfted to prepare fuch fultable orders and 
inftruflions as may anfwer the feveral parts and 
advices contained in the faid report. 

Robert SoutbwtlL 



ExtraSf of a letter from the Committee to the Earl of Carlifle. 

AFTER our verjr hearty commendation unto your APPEN- 
lordihip, we have received two letters from you, the one DDC. 
of the 24th of October, the other of the 15* of No- ' 
vember, 1678 ; both of which gave us an account of the 
diftafte the aflembly had expreflea at (he new frame of go- 
vernment, and of their throwing out ail the bills tranf- 
mitted under the great feal; and your Jordihip having 
therein recommended unto us the fpeedy difpatch of the 
bills fent to Mr. Secretary Coventry, for paffing them 
through the offices here, we did thereupon take the fame 
into our confideration : but finding that they contained 
iiich claufes as we had formerly (your lordfhip being pre- 
fcnt) difallowed in the laws cna<aed by the Lord Vaughan, 
as moft ()rejudicial to his majefty's rights and prerogative, 
one of them appropriating and ilifpofing of the quit-rents 
in the fame terms as was formerly done, fo much to his 
majefty's diflatisfaftion ; another, declaring the laws of 
England tp be in force, which claufe (your lordfhip can* 
not but remember) was poftponed here, upon very ftrious 
deliberation; befides divers other particulars, altogether 
unfit to be pafTed by his majefly: we have, withal, perufed 
the feveral letters which your lordfhip had written to Mr. 
Secretary Coventry, in relation to your government : and 
as for the laws, we could not advife his majefty to proceed 
in any other manner, than by giving power to call anodier 
afTembly, and to offer unto them the fame laws your lord- 
fhip carried over, as being Ae moft ufefully framed and 
fettled for the good of the ifland and his majefty's fervice: 
and that, in calc of rcfulal, you might be enabled to govern 
according to conimifSons and inftru(3ions given unto for- 
mer governors, as your lordfhip will more fully underftand 
fcy our report unto his majefty, and the order of council 
diereupon to which we refer your lordfhip, as fetting forth 
at large the grounds and reafons inducing the refofutions 
his majefty has now takecu 

VoL.I. T .. IJUMB^R 

iJ>4 HIS TO R Y 6 F T H E 


ExtraH tf a letter from the Earl of Carlijle to Mr. 
Secretary Coventry. 

St. yago de la Vega^ jpth Aug. 1679. 

YOUR packet, by Captain Buckingham, having in- 
clofed his majefty's letter of the 31ft of May lail, and an 
order in council of the 28th of May, 1679, togetfier with 
the animadverfions of th^ council upon feveral points of 
the 2ad of May laft, and two letters from yourfelf, I re- 
ceived the 26th inft. at night The next morning I read 
them in council* The ailembly then having fat fome feven 
days, to renew the bill for a revenue, the laft being juft 
expiring, I fent for the general aflembly, and read the or- 
der of council and die king's letter thereupon to them^ 
which I hope will have fome good eiFeA ; but they came 
in as good time fo much contrary to their expedation* I 
herewith fend you a copy of their addrefs thereupon, yf/tixA 
thev prefented to me the 28th i( and finding them netded 
and warm, I thought it difcredon to let them take time to 
digeft their thoughts ; and, having continued the revenue 
bill for fix months longer from the I ft of September nex^ 
I pafTed it, and then prorogued them till the 28th of Odo* 
ber following. - 

N U M B E R XV. 

Copy of a vote of the AJfenihly^ Aug. 22, 1679. 


THE committee appointed to examine Mr, Martyn's 
accounts reported, that Mr. Martyn, appearing before 
them, iaid, that my lord had ordered him to come and tell 
them, that, both from the king and from my lord, he 
was not obliged to fhew his accounts to the aflembly ; but 
that he had given them unto my lord, and his excellency 



had told him, that, if any of the aflembly had a mind to APPEN* 
fee them» they might fee them there. DIX. 

The houfe, confidering the return of the committee or- ^ 
dered to infpedt Mr. Martyn's accounts, re-afTumed that 
debate^ ^ and thereupon did vote, that notwithilanding my 
lord's anfwer by Mr. Martyn to that Committee, it was 
and is their undoubted and inherent right, that as all bills 
for money ought and do arife in their houfe, fo they ought 
to appoint the difpofal of it, and to receive and examine all 
the accounts concerning the fame. 
vera Copia. 

Rowland Powell. 

ExtraSf of a letter from the Earl of Carlijle to the Committee. 

St. Jago de laVega^ lyh Sept. 1679. 

My Lords, 

YOUR lordfhips letters of the 25th. of March, 4th 
of April, and 31ft of May laft, I received on the 26th of 
Auguft, as alfo your lord/hips orders and reports to his 
majefty, touching the laws and government of Jamaica ; 
which I communicated to the council (the ailembjy then 
fitting to continue the revenue bill, expiring the 2d of 
September) on the 27th of Auguft; and afterwards, the 
fame day, I communicated, the council being prefent, his 
majefty's letter of the 31ft of May laft, and your lord-^ 
(hips order and report of the fame date, to the afiembiy; 
which came to me as feafonably as they received them 
furprifedly, making me the next morning the enclofcd ad-» 
drefs ; upon which, having paifed a bill of impoft for fix 
months, I prorogued them, hy advice of the council, till 
the 28th of Oftober next, hoping in that time they would 
&11 of their heat, and, upon recolleftion, better bethink 
themfelves of their duties and allegiance, and upon my 
offering them again the laws, which I propofe to do upon 
their hrft meeting, better demonftrate their obedience by 
readily giving their confent that they might be enaS- 

Ta , 5ut, 


But, from what I can learn from the chief leaders 
among them, I find the fame averfenefs as formerly, aver^ 
ring that they will fubmit to wear, but never confent to 
make chains, as they term this frame of government, for 
their poflerities ; fo that I fcarce expeft better fuccefs ; 
of which I have writ at large to Mr* Secretary Coventry^ 


SxtraSf of a ktter from the Earl of CarltfU to Mr^ , 
Secretary Coventry. 

St. Jago de la Vega^ 2^d NovembeTy 1679. 

THE affemWy meeting on the a^th of Oftober, I, with 
the council, went to them ; commanded the council's re- 
port of the aSth of May, and his inajefly's letter of the 
31ft of May laft, to be read again to them; prefled them 
very much to confider how much it imported at this 
jun£hire for the intereft of the ifland, that they (hould pafs 
thefe laws I brought to them under the great feal of Eng- 
land^ or at leaft part of them; defirmg diat any one or 
more of the stfTembly would jhere and then argue the rea- 
Ibnablenefs of their objedtion, which none of them would 
undertakes and fo I left the body of laws with them. They 
havine the laft -feffion pafled a vote, that the raifing money 
and difpofing of it, was the inherent right of the aflembly 
(of which I had no account, either from the members or 
their fpeaker, in fourteen days afterwards, they prefuming 
it to be their privilege that their proceedings Jhould be 
kept fecret from me) I then appointed and -fwore them a 
derk) which before ufed to be of their own choice j and 
this they are very tineafy under. 

They proceeded to -read over the body of laws; not with- 
^landing the great care, pains, and trouble I had taken 
with them, both apart individually as well as aflembled t6- 
gether, they threw out and pqefted all the laws, again ad- 
hering to their former reafons, rather than admitting or 
honouring thofe from their lordfhips for rules of obedi** 

I thereupon prefently, with the council, framed a bill erf 



reyenue indefinite> and lent that to them : but that iiad no APPEN* 
better Atccefs ; and they then attended me with the addrefs, DIX. 
to be prefented to his majeftv, which I herewith fend you j '^— y— ^-^ 
as alio the humble defire of juftiiication of his majefty'is 
council thereupon, ^rfiich I and they earneftly defire your 
£iivour in humbly prefendng to his majefty^ being unani* 
mouflv agreed to by all the council : but Col. Samuel LfOnj; 
f chieNjuftice of the ifland, whom I have found all along 
nnce my arrival here to be a ihoft pertinacious abettor anl 
cherifher of the aflembly's ftubbornnefe in oppofing this 
new frame of government, haying had a hand, being their 
fpeaker, in the leaving the king^s name out of the revenue 
bill) refufes to join with the council in this their genuine a£t, 
and has fufficiently pofTefled himfelf of the opinion of the zt^ 
fembly, by advifing andaiSfting them in th^ framing of their 
addrefs : thinking their refolutions to be as unalterable a$ 
his own, he is withdrawn to his plantation, fome thirty 
miles off from this town, where ^t Uiis ju^£lur^ v^e havii 
moft need of council. 

Upon ferious and deliberate confideration of all which, I 
have fent him his quietus > and appointed CoK Robert Bvnd- 
lofs chief-juftice in his place, of whofe fidelity to the kmg's 
intereft I hare many prpofs, having formerly executed me 
place, and was now one of the j udg^s of the fupreme courts' 

I have alfo fiUpended Col^ i^ong from being one of the 
council, purpofing, by the advice of the council, to bring 
or fend him, with ux more of the aflembly, to attend the 
king and council iq England to fupport their own opinions, 
reaions, and addrefs, herein they are not ordinarily pofi- 
tive ; and this I do from the council here unanimoufly agrees* 
ing, that there is no other nor better expedient for the feU 
(lement of this goverment to a gener^ confen^^ 


Extras of a Utter frm the Earl of Carlijlt to the Oommittee^ 
St. Jag^ it la Vega^ 2 jrf Ntto. i679* 

My Lords, 
MINE of the tenth of September laft to your lordfliips 
I hope you have received j and what I therein fent vour 


t7S H I 3 T ft y P T M E 

BOOK lordfhips, as my conjcdure in proipefl:, fince the general 
II- aflembly's meeting, on the 28th of O£lobcr laft, have 

^■*""V— ^ found to be no vain prophecy. 

Upon the affembly's meeting on that day, I, with the 
council, went to the place where they were met, and again, 
in the prefence of the council and the aflembly, commanded 
to be read your lordfhips report of the aSth of May laft paft 
made to his majefty, as alfo his majefty's commands to my- 
felf of the 31ft of the fame; and thereupon offered to the 
afTembly the bodv of laws brought over under the great feal 
of England for their confent; at the fame time declaring 
to them the great expediency it would be to all the officers 
of the ifland, and reafon to perfuade his majefly they were 
another people than reprefented at home j that it would in- • 
duce the king to gratify them in what was necefTary ; and 
that, otherwife, they could not appear but in great con-. 
temptj to the lefTening of the ifland's intereft in his royal 
favour : and what I urged in general to them at their meet- 
ing, I had not been wanting to prefs to them apart indivi- 
dually before it : then fwore them a clerk of my appointing, 
whicn they took not well, alledging it was their right to 
choofe their own clerk. I toW them, no ; for that the king 
did grant by patent the clerk of the parliament, fo that 
they were uneafily over-ruled* The reafon of my doing 
this was from their having an opinion that the votes of the 
houfe fhould be kept a fecret from me, and their paffing a 
vote the former feilions, that to raife money, and difpofe of 
the fame, was a right inherent in the afTembly, of which I 
had no notice, in fome fourteen days after, from any of 
them or their fpeaker. 

I much urged the whole affembly freely to argue, in the 
prefence of the council and their own members, for the 
reafonablenefs of the matter commanded by the king, that, 
upon their difcourfing it openly and freely, tney might be the 
better convinced of the neceffity of their beingdutiful therein; 
butnoneof them, in my prefence and the councils, would un- 
dertake it; fo we left them, and the body of laws with them* 
Some days they fpent in reading over again the body of 
laws under the great feal left with them ; but rejefted the 
many arguments I had laboured with them^ and threw all 
the laws out again : whereupon they appointed a committee 
to draw up an addrefs, to be prefented by me to his majefty on 
their behalfs ; and in that time, with the council, I drew a bill " 
of revenue individually, and gave it myfelf to their fptaker ^ 
jbut that bill h^d QQ better fuccefs, but was rejected alfo. 


Upon this, on the 14th inftant, the fpeaker and aflembly APPEN- 
being fent for to attend me in council, to (hew caufe why DIX. 
they did rejeft the bill of revenue fo framed by us in ^— ^r— -^ 
purfuance of his majefty's pleafure therein, they gave me 
no anfwer; but, byUieir fpeaker, defired to prefent to me 
their addrefs, the fpeaker contending to give it its due accent 
by reading it himfelf, a copy whereof is here fent inclofed. 

This addrefs is founded greatly upon the advice of Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Samuel Long, chief-juftice of the ifland, and 
one of the king's council, who principally contends for the 
old frame of goverment, of whom the s^embly is highly opi- 
niated, and elfteem him the patron of their rights and privi- 
leges as Endifhmen, who had a hand in leaving the kinQ;'s 
name out ofthe revenue bill, being then fpeaker, and denies 
not his having a hand in framing and advifing fome parts of 
the addrefs, which in whole is not trutli ; for, 

ift. Whereas they alledge, that the civil government 
commenced in my Lord Windfor's time; it is generally 
known, and recorded in our council-book, fifteen months 
before, in Colonel D'Oyley's time, and will be proved by 
Sir Thomas Lynch, who then himfelf had an occafion of a 
trial by ajury, the foreman of which was Colonel Byndlofs, 

adly. They alledge the readincfs of governors to ufe 
martial law, partici3arly in Sir Thomas Lynch's time; 
which is here contradidked, for there was only an order in 
council for the putting it in force upon condition of any 
ai^ual-defcent or invahon, and not otherwife ; neither was 
it on foot really all this time tiere, as I am credibly inform- 
ed upon good enquiry. 

3dly. As for its being in force in my time, it was not 
from my affection, but the council advifing and their defir- 
ing it } as alfo the putting off the courts till February, in 
favour generally of the planters. Then, for their alledg- 
ing fo much to be done during the martial law, wholly at 
the charge of the country; that it is done is trueg but the 
charge thereof they would clog the revenue bill with, 
amounting to twelve hundred and twenty-eight pounds, 
when, comnuinibus annis^ the bill of impoft is but fifteen 
hundred pounds ; olF which twelve hundred and twenty- 
eight pounds there is not yet made payment of one far- 
thing, nor any prv fpe£l how it .may, fince the revenue is 
fo much anticipated from the want of money in the trea- 
sury, Qccafioned by my Lord Vaughan's letting foil the b^U 
of revenue before his departure. 




N U M B E |l XIX. 

To his Excellency Charles Earl 6f Carlijle^ captain-general^ 
governor^ and commander in chief of bis majejifs ijlarid 
of 'Jamaica^ ^c* • • 

The humble addrefs of the ajjemhfy of this his majejlfs 
ijland, in qnfuuer to the report of the right honourable 
the lords of the committee of trade and plantations^ 
made to his majeflfs council % which we entreat his 
excellency may be humbly prefented to his mofi facred 
majejly and his council. . ' 

WE, his mkjefty's moft loyal and obedient fubjefts, the 
jifTenibly of this his ifland of Jamaica, cannot without in- 
finite grief of mind read the report made to his majefty by 
the right honourable the lords of the committee for trade 
and plantations ; wherein, by the relations made by their 
lordfhips unto his majefty, they have reprefented us as a 
people full of animohty, unreafonable, irregular, violent^ 
-undutiful, and tranfgrefling both the bounds of duty and 
loyalty ; the bitternefs of which charad^ers were we in the 
leaft part conicious to have defcrved, we fliould, like Job^ 
have faid» " Behold^ we are vile : what /hall we anjwer f we 
f* will lay our hands upon our mouths.** 

But, left bur filence (hould argue our guilt, we (hall, in 
all humility, endeavour to inake appear we have always de- 
meaned ourfelves as becometh good and obedient fubje£b, 
and thofe who acknowledge and are trulv fenfible cf the 
many favours received froih his majefty ; tne truth of which 
refting only on matter of feft being related, and the felfe 
colours which hitherto have been thrOv.Ti on us being wafh- 
ed ofF, we (hall not doubt but his majefty will foon entertain 
a bettier opinion of his fubje<Sh of this ifland. 

We muft, therefrir, humbly beg that his majefty will 
with patlencie be pleafcd to hear the account of our pro- 
ceedings j -Which truly to rtianifeft we niuft l)e forced to 
look back fo fir as Sir Charles Lyttleton's and Sir Thomas 
^Iodyfo^d's entrance upon their goycriimcnt : 
* • ' At 


At ^ich time, we humbly conceive, the ifland began ^pp£^. 
really to take up the form of a civil government, and' pix, 
wholly to lay afide that of an army^ which, until that time^ 
was deemed the fuprcme authority ; when after, upon their 
feveral arrivals, by order from his majeffy, and according 
to the method of his majefty's moft ancient plantationS| 
they called aflfemblies, and fettled the government of the 
iflahd in fuch good form, that, qntil his excellency the 
Earl of Carlifle-s firft arrival| his majefty thought not fit 
to alter it, though feveral governors in th^t time were 
changed, which muft neceflarily infer the goodnefs and 
reafon of it, as well as the fatisfadion of the people ((ince, 
• from that time, they betook themfelves to fettle planta- 
tions) efpecially the merchants, by which means the eftatcs 
here are wonderfully increafed, as is evident by the great 
number of (hips loaden here by the induftry of the pEmtr 
er ; and tHe fatisfaflion they received by thofe wholefome 
laws then began, and until that time continued, the change 
of -which laws we had no reafon to expert, being done on 
fuch mature deliberation from home, 

But to retiirn to anfwer : the firft thing their lor4ihips 
are pleafed to accufe ys of is, prefuming to queftion his 
inaj6fty's po>irer over the militia ; which, how much diey 
are mifinformed in it, will hereunder appear : but we muft 
firft repeat the claufe againft which, we humbly conceive^ 
we had juft reafons to take exceptions, which claufe is 
as followeth: 

" Provided always, and it is hereby further ena<fled and 
^' declared by the authority aforefaid, that nothing in this 
^' a<St contained be expounded, conftrued, or underftood, 
*' to diminifh, alter, or abridge, the power of the gover- 
^' nor or commander in chief for the time being \ but that 
^ in all things he may, upon all occafions or exigencies, 
^< 2L&, as captain-generad and governor in chief, according 
^ to and in purmance of all the powers and authorities 
^ given to him by his majefty*s commif&on j any thing in 
** this a£l or any other to die contrary in any wili not-- 
5* ftanding.'^ 

In their lordfhips obfervations, in which they take no 
notice that the power given by that claufe extends as well 
to the governor as captain-general, nor of the words *5 any 
f* thing in this aft or any other to the contrary notwith-? 
f (landing/' which words, being pla;n, need no references to 

' ' ■ ■ ■ . eypoun^ 

t$t H I S T O R T O r T H E 

BOOK expound them, being confented to, there is no occafion 
n. of making any odier law, becasfe that makes all the powers 
' and authorities given by his majcfty^s commliSon, and, by 
that commiiEon, the inftru£lions which fhall be after given 
to him, (hall be law, though it be to the nulling of any 
beneficial law, made either here or in England, by which 
we are fecured both m life and in eftate ; the like of which 
was never done in any of his majefty's dominions what- 
Ibever, and is in effeA to enact will to be law, and will 
be conftrued (we fear) to bind us by the old rule of 
law, that every man may renounce his own right : and 
if their lordibips had been pleafed to have as well re- 
membered the other claufes of the z£t of die militia, we 
cannot think they would have faid we had queftioned his 
majefty's power over it, for no a£l of England gives his 
majefty the like power over die militia as ours doth ; for, 
on any apprehenfion of danger, the general with his coun- 
cil of officers have power to put the law martial on foot 
for what time they pleafe, and to command us in our own 
perfons, our fervants, negroes, horfes, even all that we 
bave, to his majefty's fervice ; which having been fo often 
put in pradlce will need the lefs proof: but how readily 
and willingly we have obeyed, and in that faith is beit 
|uftified by works, it will not be amifs to inftance fome 
times, and what hath been don6 in thofe times, by the 
charge and labour of his majefty's fubje(£ls here, under 
die fcveral governors ; none of which have left unexperi- 
mented the ftrength of his majefty's commiffion, and the 
virtue or force of that a£t, upon the leaft feeming oc-> 

In the government of Sir Thomas Modyford, in the 
years 1665 and 1666, the whole ifland was put under law 
martial for many months together; in which time, by 
the inhabitants and their blacks, Fort-Charles was made 
clofe, which to that time wanted a whole line, and alfe 
the breaft-work at Port-Royal was built, with a very 
iinall charge to his majefty. 

In the time of Sir Thomas Lynch, in the year 1673, 
the law martial was again fet on foot ; Fort- James built 
by the contributions of die gendemen of his majefty's 
council and aflembly, and feveral other of his majefty's 
good fubiefts in this ifland, which amounted to a very 
confiderwle fum of money ; a breaft-v^ork thrown up at 


WE S T I N D I ES. 3S3 

Old-Harbour and fevcral other places; and guns mounted ^PPEN- 
on a platform placed at Port-Morant. DDL 

In Lord Vaughan's time, though there was no proba- 
bility of war, yet he wanted not the trial of his power 
alfu in the militia, and our obedience to it; for he com- 
manded out a company of the inhabitants in fearcb of a 
Spanifh barqua longa^ who was faid to have robbed a floop 
belonging to this upon the coaft of Cuba : he, likewife, 
in favour of the royal company, commanded out to fea 
two vefTels, with a company of the militia and their cap* 
tain, from Port-Royal, to feize an interloper riding in one 
of his majefty's harbours, and there by force feized 

In the time of Sir Henry Morgan being commander in 
chief, we were again put under martial law ; in which 
time Fort-Rupert, Fort-Carlifle, and a new line at Fort- 
James, were built. 

Laftly, -in his .excellency the Earl of Carlifle's time (the 
prefent governor) the law martial was again put in force 
for about three months; in which time Fort-Morgan with 
its platform, and another line at Fort-Tames, and the 
breaft-woric reinforced very confiderabl v m thicknefs and 
height, and new carriages were made for the guns, thofe 
that came out of England not being fit for land fervicc; 
all which fortifications arc fubftantially built with done 
and brick, at die charge and labour of the country* 

Neither have we ever been wanting in due refpeft to 
his majefty's governors; the militia having always waited 
on them to church, in their progreiTes, and on all public 
occafions : and we may fafely affirm with truth, that no 
militia in his majefty's dominions undergo the like military 
duty as his fubjeds in Jamaica ; as is evident to all men 
that ever fet foot in Port-Royal, which cannot be diftin- 
^uiflied from a garrifon, either in time of peace or war, 
but by their not being paid for their fervice. 

"To anfwer dieir lordftiips objefiions to the bill of reve- 
nue, wherein his majefty's name was left out, there are fe- 
veral members of this aflembly now fitting who were 
members when that bill pafled three times in form in the 
afTembly ; and, upon the bcft recollection of their memo- 
ries, they are fully perfuaded and do believe the bill was 
again fent down widi that amendment firom the governor 
and council, according as it pafled a^ the laft : but, fliould 

s»4 H I S T O R Y O F T H E 

'BO OK it have rifen in the aflembly, they are very unfortunate if 
II. they muft bear the cenfure of atl mimkes that may 
happen rn pr6fenting laws to be pafled, when both the 
governor ai^ h\^ council have dieir negative voices, and 
ivhich^ had et^t of them made ufe of in this poin% 
would have been readily ConTented to bythe afiembly, as 
they had fornfieriy done, both under the government of Sir 
TKomas Modyford and Sir Thomas Lynch) before whofe 
lime it bad been raifed widiout mentiomng his majefty^^s 
name^ and that without check ; and we always concluded 
the jgovernor's name in the enacting part to be of the £une 
efFeS as h\i majefty's is in England, whom^ in this partf«> 
cular,' he feems rather to penbnate than reprefent: for 
which re^ns we hope^ it ought not to have been im<- 
pxitcd to the aflembJy as their crime ahogether, being con- 
fcitttd Unto by his majefty's governor without any debate^ 
and all applied by the a<^ whereby it was raifed, to the 
Irefy fame public ufe his majefty diredb ; and we are cer- 
tain no inftance can be given of any money difpofed of to 
any fJrivate ufcj but was always iflued by the governor's 
tvarrant^ for the payment of his own and other his general 
ofScers falaries in ti>!s ifland^ with fome fmal} contingent 
charges of the government. 

Their lordfhips alfo affirm, that the aflembly offered 
this billi In the fame meafure and proportion as it is now 
propofed, to Sir Thomas Lynch: in which their lord-» 
thips are mifinformedj for his majefty*s inftruftions 
Ivere^ that the laws (hould be in force for two years 
and no longer, which their lordihips alfo acknowledge 
in the prior part of the report ) fo diat the aflembly need* 
ed not to have exprefled any time, and the particular ufoa 
therein appointed. 

But had their lordfliips known how great fums of mo^ 
liey have been raifed here, and how fmall a part hath 
been applied to his maiefty's fervice for the defence and 
ftrengthening the ifland, we humbly conceive their lord- 
fhips would have been of (pinion, that we have no rea- 
fon to bar ourfelves to perpetuity, and pafs the (aid zSt 
without limitation of ules or time; nor can we be fo 
prefumptuous as to imagine the' king can he hindered from 
making fuch ufe of his own money as he fhall think fit^ 
(Mid apply it whc^rc he finds moft neccfliry. 



it is very true the laws contain many and great crr6rs, APPEN* 
as their lordfhips may fee by the aflcmbly's journal ; fo that DIX. 
were the aiTembly as much petitioners to his majefty £br^ 
this new form as they are to be reftored to their old, above 
half the body i of thefe laws, without amendment^ would 
never be xcsAonsiAc to pafs. 

As, Co inftance ibme few amongft many: in the ad for 
preventing damages by fke, a finglc^ juftice of the peac(j 
hath power of life and death ; and the a£l of the militia 
empowers the governor and council to levy a tax oa the 
whole ifland; and in the z£k dire<S(ing the marfhars proceed- 
ings, there is a claufe that makes it felony for any perfon to 
conceal his own ^oods, left in his own poiTeffiou, after exe-^ 
cution levied by uat law, fo that a man may be hanged for 
being poor^ which, though inconvenient^ was never till tben 
accounted capital ; with others too Jong to be repeated. 

And whereas their lord/hips are pleafed to fay, that there 
is nothing imperfed or defective in thefe bills tranfmitted 
hither; yet we humbly conceive, that no notice being taken 
in this body of laws how or in what nature we arc tom^kc 
ufe of the laws of England, either as they have reference tQ 
the prefervation of his majefty's prerogative or the fubje(Ss 
rights, we ought not in reafon to conient to thefe bills ; for^ 
jiothing appearing to the contrary, the governor is Jeft, ad 
libitum., to ufe or refufe as few or as many as he pleafep, and 
iuch as fuit with his occaiions; there being no diredlioas in 
them iiow to proceed according to the laws of Englandf 
either in caufes criminal or tefbmentary, and in many other 
cafes which concern the quiet of the fubje£i^ boA io life 
and eilate« 

We conceive aHb, that, whatfoever is faid <o the .con* 
trary by their lordfhips in anfwer to the diftance of places, 
this -very lafl experiment is fufficiently convincing of the 
truth of that allegation^ fince it is a year fmce this mode} 
came over and was debated, and before their lordfhips re- 
port came back^ notwithflanding one of the advices went 
home by an exprefs* And, 

Whereas .their iordfbips fay, we <:annot be fubjecEl to 
more accidents than his majefly*s kingdom of Ireland; to 
that we objedl, that advice and anfwers thence may be had 
in ten or fourteen days, and that kit^dom is already fet*. 
tkJj oMr plantation but beginning. Hut further^ we c^a- 


BOOK not imagine that Irifh model of government was, in prm^ 
II. cipioy ever intended for Engliflimen : befides, their lord- 
fhips cannot but know, that that model was introduced 
amongft them by a law made by themfelves in Ireland, and 
fo confequently bound them, which, being now generally 
known to all thofe who remove thither, they caufe 
to repine at, that being their choice to live under it or ftay 
from it, and was made for the prefervation of the Englim 
againft the Irifh faction. As there is not the fame caufe, 
fo diere is not the fame reafon, for impofmg the fame on 
us, unlefs we did it ourfelves, who are all his majefty's 
natural-born fubjec^s of his kingdom of England ; which 
is the reafon the parliament give, in all their a£ls concern* 
ing the plantations, for obliging us by them to what, and 
with whom, and in what manner, we may trade, and im« 
pofe a tax on us here in cafe of trade from one colony to 
anodier ; and it is but equity then, that the fame law (hould 
have the fame power of looting as binding. 

His maiefty giving a power, on urgent occalions, to 
raife monies the old way, only fecures the king's officers 
their falaries, which elfe they had been difappointed of; 
the a£l of the militia which was heretofore confented to, 
ever providing, that, on alarm or invafion, the commander 
in chief (hould have unlimited power over all perfons^. 
cftates, and things, neceffary on fuch urgencies. 

As to the 7th, the affembly fay, they never defired any 
power but what his majefty's governors affured them was 
their birth-rights, and what they fuppofed his majefty's 
snoft gracious proclamation allowed them : alfo, his majefty 
was gracioufly pleafed to write a letter to his governor 
Sir Thomas Lynch, after the double trial of one Peter 
Johnfon, a pirate, fignifying his diflike that any thing 
ihould be done that fhould caufe any doubt in his fubieds, 
in not enjoying all the privileges of fubje£t^ of the king- 
dom of England, or to that effeft. 

But as to the obftrufting of juftice a?ainft Brown, the 
pirate, what they did, though not juftiRable in the manner, 
was out of an alTurance, that we had no law in force then 
to declare my lord chancellor of England's power and our 
chancellor's nere equal, in granting commiifions in pur- 
fuance of the ftatute of Henry the eighth ; which alfo his 
majefty and council perceiving, have, in the new body of 
laws, lent one to fuj^Iy that want: and if they, not med- 


dling with the merits of the caufe, endeavoured to preferve APPEND 
tfie form of juftice, and juftice itfelf, and, after 'denial of DIX. 
feveral petitions, joined with the council, were led beyond > 
their duty (for which they were fliarply reprimanded by the 
then governor) they do hope for and humbly beg his ma- 
jeftv's pardon. 

And as for the aft upon which he came in, it arofe not iti 
the affembly, but was fent from the council, to be confent- 
cd to by them, which was accordingly done. 

And as to the imprifonnient of Mr. Thomas Martyn, 
one of their members, for taking out procefs in chancery in 
his own private concern againft feveral other members, an* 
of the council, the aflfembly then fitting, and for other mifde- 
meanors and breach of the rules of the houfe; they hope it is 
juftifiable, the king's governor having affured them, thatt 
riifcy had the lame power over their members which the 
houfe of commons have, and all fpeakers here prayings 
iind the governors granting, the ufual petitions of ipeakers 
ki England* 

Seeing the governor hath power to turn out a counfellor, 
and turning out incapacitates him from being an afTembly- 
man, no counfellor dares give his opinion a^inft the go- 
vernor, under danger of lefs penalty than lonng that which 
he thinks his birth-right : alfo, a governor being chancellor^ 
ordinary, and admiral, joined with his military authority^ 
lodges fo great a power in him, that being united and ex- 
ecuted in one perfon to turn it totum in qualibet parUj fo 
that he may invalidate any thing done under his oWn com- 

There is no doubt but, by this new way, it ts in the a£- 
fembly's power toconfent to and perpetuate fuch laws as are 
wholly of benefit to them, and leave unpafTed all that may 
be thought moft neceflary for his majefty; which advantage 
they not laying hold on, hope it will be an evidence they 
are careful of his majefty 's prerogative, as it is the duty 
of every sped fubjedt to be. 

It is without controvcrftr that the old form of govern- 
ment, which was ordered lo like his majefty's'kingdom of 
England, muft of confequence be of greater encourage-^ 
ment to all his majefty's fubjeds, as well as ftrangers, to 
remove themfelvcs hither. Upon his majefty *s proclama.- 
tion in my Lord Windfor*s time, and by thofe gracious 
inftrudlioiis given to Sir Thomas Modytord, all or moft 


iii H i S T 6 R Y O F T H S 

£6 OK part of the fugar plantations have been fettled; anci the 
II. major part of the faid planters being fuch who arrived 
' here and fettled upon the general liking, of the model 
firft conftituted) and in belief that they loft not any of 
the privileges of his majelly's fubjefts of the kingdom of 
England by their removal hither, and having by nd aS, 
as vrc believe, either provoked his majefty or forfeited our 
rights, or ever defiring or attempting to leffen or quef- 
tion his majefty 's prerogative^ the prefervatioh whereof 
we ever deemed the beft means of preferving our oWn 
privileges and eftates, we (hall prefume to hope for the 
continuance of his majefty's favour, which is impofSble 
for us ever to forget; 

And whereas their lordfliips are picafed to offer their ad- 
vice to his majefty, to furnifh his governor with fuch 
powers as were formerly given to Colonel D'Oyley and 
others, in whofe time the dien accounted army was not 
difbanded, but h continued till Lord Wiadfor's arrival, 
who brought over the king's royal donative and order to 
fettle the civil government : we hope their lordfhips intend 
hot that we are to be governed by or as an army^ or that 
the governor be empowered to levy any tax by himfelf and 
council ; fmce his majefty having di((:harged himifelf and 
council, by an a<£^ of parliament, of any fuch power over 
any of his majefty's fubjedls of his kingdom of England, 
as we undoubtedly are, it will be very hard to have any 
impofition laid on us but by our own confents ; for their 
lordfhips well know, that no derived power is greater 
than the primitive. 

However, if his moft gracious nujefty fhall not diink 
fit to alter this model, but we are to be governed by the 
governor. and council, according to their fordfhips aavice, 
et we humbly befeech his majefty to do us the grace to 
lelieve, that we are fo fenfible of*^ our duty and allegiance, 
that our fubmifSon to and comportment under his ma- 
jefty's authority fhall be fuch as that, we hope, he, in his 
due time, will be g^caciouily pleafed to reftore unto us pur 
ancient form of government, under which it hath hither^ 
to pleafed God to profper us; ending with our hearty 
prayers for his majefty 's long and happy reign oyer us» 
and moft humbly begging his raajefty's pardon of all our 
errors and miftakes, and a gracious interpretation of this 
our anfwer i protoftingi from the bottom of our hearts^ 




that we are and refolve to die his Aiajefty's true, loyal, APPEK* 
and obedient fubje£b. BIX. 

A true copy. 

Rowland PoW£1.l, CL Cm» 


Tie bnmUi itfirt and juftijicatim §f the membirs of bU 
mi^iftfs mnnciLi to his Excelhuy the Governor in 
Jamaica. \ 

THE alterations of the frame of government in this bis 
^ msuefty's ifland of Jamaica unto that of his kingdom of 
Ireland, which his liiajefty, the beft and greateft of kings, 
hath ]gracioufly commanded us to fubmit unto and own, 
we, lus majelly's truly loyal and dutiful fubjei^. hitherto 
have and vet do, by a willmg readinefs, and ready wiUing- 
nefi, declare our entire obolience and hearty conformity 
diereunto, becaufe his maiefty commands. 

And although his majefty's great perfpicuity and truly 
royal prudence is beft able to determine what government 
is the fitteft for his fubjeds in this ifland, yet^ with all 
due fubmiffion, in all humility, we beg leave to reprefent 
to his majefty the great inconvenience attending the pr&. 
fent frame, in tranfinittins our laws home. 

The vaft diftance of place will of neceflity require a 
great expence of tim^ between the firft framing our laws 
here and the tranfmitting and return of diem hither 
asain \ fo that, before they can be pafled' into laws by die 
ailembly here, there will probably as great caufe arife to 
alter as there were at firft to make them. 

And, with all due fubmiffion, we judge it 'even impoffi- 
ble to adapt laws to the prefent conftitution, fo as not to 
admit of often and great alteradons ; for, according to our 
experience hitherto, we have found urgent occafions 
to alter and amend the laws, that have more immediately 
concerned us here, at the leaft every two years ^ aqd we 
cannot forefee but we ihall lie under the fame neceffity 
ftiU I fo that if his majefty mcioufly pleafe to take it 

Vol. L U ' into 

19» H I S T O RY OF THE 

BOOK into his princely ooafideradoo, and pitfaer reftore to ns our 
IL ' former power and way or method of paffii^ bws, or at leaft 
' remit that part of the prefent method of making laws which 
only concerns us here, as they may pais without tranfinittiiig 
^e fame, we hope, by our prefent fubmiffion and entire 
obedience to all his bws here, his majefty will be a glo- 
rious prince and his fubjeds here an happy people. 

And whereas the gentlemen of the aflembly, in their 
addrefs to his majefty read here in council the 15th of No- 
vember, 1679, do declare, that as to the bill of revenue 
wherein his majcfty's name was left out, that there are 
fcveral of the members of their aflembly now fitting who 
were members when that bill pafled three dmes in (oan in 
the afTembly, and, upon the beft recdle^Hon of their me- 
mories, they are fully perfuaded and do believe the bill 
was again fent down widi that amendment from the gover- 
nor and council, according as it pafled at the laft : we, the 
gentlemen of his ms^efty's council here prefent at the paf^ 
fmg of the bill, do moft humbly and with all ferioufhefs 
aver and declare, that we were lb far from confenting die 
(aid bill fhould pafs without his majcfty's name in it, that 
we do not remember it was ever debated or mentioned in 
council ; and further, that to the beft of our refjpcStive 
knowledge, it was read three times, and pafl*ed die council* 
'bofiird, with his majefty's name in it : and we are the rather 
induced to this our confidence, becaufe we find the original 
3& was raxed, and, by the then fpeaker's own hand, in- 
terlined; and moreover, the feveral amendments of die laid 
bill, that were made in council, were all taken notice of in 
the minutes in (»ir council-books, and no mention made 
of this ; alnd the gentlemen of the aflembly do produce no- 
thing out of their journal to jtiftify the reflections upon 
us ; therefore it is to be prefumed they cannot. 

And we do further humbly and unanimoufly declare, 
we never did at any time, either jointly or ijbverally, make 
any complaint to the aflembly, or any of them, of the 
power given by his majefty to his excellency our prefent 
governor to fufpend any of his majeft5r's council here ; 
for as we have hitherto yielded all due obedience and 
fubmiifion to his majefty's royal will and pleafure con- 
cerning us, fo we hope we (hall approve ourfblves 
fuch, and, as in duty bound, ever pray for his majcfty's 


W;E ST, I ND I E S- : 291 

long life, and that he may proiperoufly and triumphantly APPEN- 
rcign over us. . ^ ' DIX* 

This was unantmoufly agreed to in council by thc^ V v* ' * 
refpeftive members thereof who were prefent ajt 
the paffin£ the bill of revenue: Colonel Thomas 
BsJlard, Colonel John Cope, Colonel Robert 
Byndlofs, Colonel Thomas Freeman, Colonel 
William Joy, Colonel Thomas Fuller, John 
White, Efquire; 

And confented to by the whole council, excepting 
Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel Long. 

Received from the Earl of Carlifle, 26th February, 


ExtraSf of an order in council* 


At the committee of trade and plantations, in the 
council-chamber at Whitehall, the 5th of March, 

P R £ s B N T, 

Prince Rupert, Earl of EfTex, 

Lord Prefident, Mr. Hyde, 

Lord Privy-Seal, Mr. Secretary Coventry, 

"Marquis of Worcefter, Sir Leolin Jenkins. 

Earl of Bridgwater, 

A LETTER from the Earl of Carlifle to the com- 
mittee, dated 23d of November laft, is read, wherein his 
lordfhip acquaints the committee, that, having called the 
council and affembly together, he had caufed their lordfliips 
report of the 28th of May to be publicly read ; which their 
lordfliips think to be difaereeable to the dircdions of the 
IJ 2 report. 


BOOK report, which was only prefenCed t6 his ms^efty for his ia- 
^ fbrmauoo, and in order to furnifh the ^arl of Carltfle, 
^^IT"^ when occifion fliould ferve, with fuch arguments as mi^ 
be fit to be uled in jiiftification of his majefty's conunif* 
Son and inftroAions ; and their lordfliips parQcidarly take 
nodoe, that it was neither neceflary nor convenient for him 
to expofe his inftnidions to the aflembly ! and as to the 
derk of the aflbnbly, which his lonHhip had appointed, 
the committee does very mudi approve hk Iordfliip*s pro- 
ceedings therein, and will defire him to continue the (ame 
« mediod for the (uture. 

And whereas Colond Long is reprefented to have a hand 
in leavinff out the king's name in die late bill of revenue, 
and in mmin| and advifing the addreft of the aflembly 
now tranfinitted to his mayefty j their lordfliips will report^ 
that the Earl of Carlifle may be ordered to fend him to 
Endand, to anfwer what is laid to his charge. 

The addrefs of the aflembly of Jamaica to his majefty, 
' in anfwer to a report of the committee approved on the 
oSdi of May Uft, being read, their lordfliips obfervr, that 
there are many falfities and miftakes contained therein* 

Firft, it is alledfi;ed by the aflembly, that the ifland took 
up the dvil form ofeovernment intiie time of Sir Tliomas 
Modyford and Sir Charles^Lyttdton ; whereas it is certain, 
that Colonel D'Oyley had a commiffion, foon after his 
majefty's reftoration, to govern by die dvU powen 
* As totheirdenial of mivin^ left out his maiefty's name 

in the revenue bill, it is evident, by the juftification of 
the council, and aflurance of the Lord Vaughan, that die 
bill pafied the governor and council with nis majefty's 
name, which was afterwards left out, or erafed, as may 
be fuppofed by the intedineadon that yet appears upon 
die original bill. 

And whereas it is laid, that their lordfliips are milia* 
formed, in affirming that the aflembly had before' of- 
fered die bill of revenue in the lame meafure and pro-* 
liortion as is now proppfed, lixkre the laws were to be 
in force for two years, and no longer: die aflembly 
tuive quite forgotten, or pretended to be ienorant of, 
|he powers fettled by his roajefty's commimon to Sir 
Thomas L}mch, whereby the Jaws were to be in force 
for two years, and no longer, unleis confirmed by his 
majefty within that time ; to diat the bill tranfinitted by 



Sir ThomAS Lynch wanted only his 013)011/$ approbation APPElf> 
to render it perpetual. DIX- 

The aflembly further mentions the great fums raifed in ^ 
Jamaica, which bad not been employed to his majefty's 
iervice ; but does not inftance the miiapplicatioK of any 
part of the revenue by any of the TOvernors. 

It is adfo to be oblerved, that me hw foi preventim; 
damages by fire, of v^ich they complain, was firft macte 
by them; as sdfo the ad dire£bing the marflbal's proceed- 
ing cannot be but very reaibnabie^ and for the advantage 
of the planters, iiQce it gives them the ufe of their goods 
after execution, ami enables them the better to pay their 

, And whereas the afTembly complains, that there is no 
law tranfinitted to them for afcertainifig the laws of £ng* 
land: it is tliought reafonable, that his majefly (hould re- 
tain widiinriiimfclf the power of appointing the laws of 
England to ht in full force in that ifland, as he ihall find 

The delays and length of time, alledged by them in re^ 
ference to the jnpdJ prefcribed by nis majefty, were 
wholly occafioned by the refradorineis of the ailembly, and 
not bv the diftance of places, or other reafons. 

'Wnat they obiejfl concerning Ireland, in reference to 
Jamaica, ismvolous; fince the Englifli there have right 
to the fiune ^ivileges as tbofe pf Jamaica, and are bound 
up by a&8 of parliament in England, as well as the inha* 
i>itants of Jamaica. 

To the 7th objefiion it is replied, that nothing has 
been done to take away their enjoyment of all the privi- 
leges of Englifh fubjeAs, fince they are governed by the 
laws and ftatutes of this realm. 

Their unwarrantable proceedings in obftru£ling of juf- 
dce againft Brovm the pirate is confefled, and his ma- 
jeftVs pardon prayed by them. 

Their lordlhips thine the imprifonment of Martyn, and 
the articles preferred aeainft him, altogether unjuftifiable, 
not only as he was his majefty's collefior, but as the 
aflembly oueht not, by the pretenfions of privilege, to 
(belter themfelves from iuftice, there beingno fuch ulage 
in Barbadoes and other planutions. 

In the 9th place, it is altogedier erroneous in the aflem- 
bly to think it is, by the prefent model, in their own 



BOOK power, to accept futh laws as are wholly of benefit to 
II. themfdves, and to reject fuch as are mod neceflary for his 
/majefty; fmce the governor yet retains a negative voice, 
after the confent of the af&mbly. 

And whereas they very much infift upon his msueftjr's 
proclamation in my Ldra Windfor's time: his 'majefty has 
not in any inftance wididrawn the effe£ls of his promifc 
to them, nor impofed feveral rules and inftnididns tiiat 
were prefcribed in Sir Thomas Modyford*s commiffion 
and inftruaions, whereby he had po^er, with die advice 
of the council, to raife money on ftrong liquors : and the 
aflembly can as littie believe they have not provoked his 
majefty to keep a ftri<^.eye upon them,. after their feveral 
unwarrantable proceedings during the government of the 
Lord Vaughan, and fmce of the Earl of Carlifle, by their 
votes and odierwife. /^ 

In the laft place, it is falfely infinuated by ^e aflembly, 
that the government remained under an army in Colonel 
D'Oyley's time.;, appears plainly Ipy his commiffion 
that It was otherwife provided, and that the marti^d law 
was then laid afide: fo that, upon the whole Matter, they 
have reafon to beg his majdly's pardon for all ^eir errors 
and miftakes. 

The juftification of the council of Jamaica, in anfwer 
to die imputation of the aflembly, of their leaving out the 
kin^s name in the revenue bill, is alfo read; and to be 
made ufe of by the governor, to difprove the allegations 
of the afllfcmbly in their own behalf. 



ExtraSf of an order in couuciL 




At the committee of tr^e and plantations, in 
die cbuncil*-chamber at Whitehall, Monda]^ 
: the 8th of Mar^, 1679-80, 

Lord Privy* Seal, Earl of Brk%owater, Sir Leolin Jenkins. 

THE Lord Vaughan attends, concerning the change 
againft Colonel Long, of jam&ica, for razing out the Icing's 
name in the a6t of revenue; and declares, that he .is very 
confident that the bill came up from the aflWnbly to t^e 
council with the king's name m it, and that it was not put 
out by the council, nor by his privity ; and that when Mr^ 
Martyn came to Jamsuca with the kmg's patent to be cd- 
ledor, his lordfliip then fent for die ad, and perceived the 
interlineation lb be in Odond Ixuif's hand; and that \ki% 
lordihip does abfolutely agree with £e council of Jamaica| 
in die matter of their juftification* 




Extraff of an ordtr in counciL 


At die committee of trade and plantations, in the 
council-chamber at Whitehall, Thurfday the 
xith of March, i679-8a 


Lord Prefident, £arl of Bridgwater^ 

Lord Privy-Seal, ' Sir Leolin Jenkins. 

Marquis of Worcefter, 

THEIR lordikips take into confideration the ftate of 
die government in Jamaica, and agree to refer die queries 
following to Mr. Attorn?^ and Mr. Solicitor General, for 
^ their opinions therein \ vtx. 

xft. Whether, irom thepaft and prefdnt ftale of Jamai* 
Ca, his majefty's fubjeAs inhabitingand trading diere have 
a right to the laws of England, as j£ogliflmien, or by vir* 
tue of the king's proclamation, or otherwife ? 

2d. Whether his majefty's fubje^ of Jamaica, claiming 
to be governed by the laws of England, are not bound at 
well by fuch laws as are beneficial to the king, by appoint- 
ing taxes and ^fubfidies for die fupport of the government, 
as by other laws, which tend only to the benefit and eafe of 

3d. Whether die fubfidies of tonnage and pound^e 
goods diat may by law, or fhall be dire^v carried to jk» 
maica, be not payable, according to law, ny his majefl^s 
fubjeds iidiabiting that ifland, or trading diere, by virtue of. 
the a£b of tonnage and poundage, or other afis made in 
. England ? 

4th. Whedier wine or odier goods, once brought into 
England and tranfported from thence, upon which the re- 
fpeSive abatements are allowed -upon exportation, accord- 
ing to law, the fame being afterwards carried to Jamaica 
and laiided there, fhall not be liable to die payment of the 




full duty of t(xinage and poundage wfatcfa it fliould have APPElff- 
paid if confumed in England, deducting onlv fuch part of DIX. 
the (aid dutr as (hall not be repaid in England upon ex* 
portation ot th^ (aid goods from thence ? 

Which queries were accordingly tran(initted to Mr. 
Attorney and Mr. Solicitor Genml, with a paper con- 
taining the paft and prefent ftate of Jamaica, in rela- 
tion to the government. 

Litter U Mr. Anomt/ and Mr* Solid tir GnuraL 

C9uncil'<hamber>^ lltb Marchj 1679-80. 


THE right honourabfe the lords of the committee (or. 
tmde and ^antations, upon coD(ideration of the affairs q£ 
Jamaica luive ftated the que(tions following \ vi%. 

^ [Hire Wire nckid the queries Jlated in the 
freaiing number.^ 

. To which queftions dielr lorffliips defire your anfwer in 
wrkin|ry with all convenient fp<Md; and, for your infor« 
matioDi I have indofed a paper ^ containing a Jhort account 
cf tbefafi and pr^ent fiate of the government in yamaicai, 
and in cafe you (hould require any further fatis£idion 
tbereiiu or tcHiching the queries referred unto you, I am 
ordered by the lords of the conunittee to attend you at any 
time or place you (hall think fit to appoint. 

I ann with all rcipe^ gentlemeni ISc^ 


H IS f O R y' F' T H E 


Extras (fan order in council^ 


At the committee of trade and plantations, in the 
council-chamber at Whitehall, the 27th ef 
April, 1680. 


Prince Rnpert, Vifcount Fauconberg, 

Lord Prefident, Mr. Hyde, 

Earl of Sunderland, Mr. Secretary Jenkins. 
Earl of Effex, 

MR. Attorney and Mr. Solicitor .General having like- 
wile acquainted the committee, that, upon confiderationrof 
the four queftions concerning Jamaicai referred unto theni 
the nth of March, *ey did find diem of fuch difficulty. 
and moment as to deferve the opinion of the judges : it is 
agreed that they be Accordingly referred \mto the judges ; 
upon whom Mr. Atiomey and Mr. Solicitor General are 
defired to attend with them;. Mr, Attgrney having firfl 
delivered his opinion/ ^ that the people of Jamaica have 
" no right to be governed by the laws of England, but 
^ by fudi laws as are made there, and eftablilhed by his - 
** majefly*s authority." But whereas Mr. Solicitor Ge- 
neral doth deliver his opinion, that the word " dominion," 
in the a£t of parliament for tonnage and poundage may 
feem radier to imply the dominion of Wales and fierwick 
upon Tweed only, than to extend to die plantations ; and 
more efpecially, as Mr. Attorney alledges, fince die iflands 
of Guemfey and Jerfey are -not concerned in that ad; 
their lordfhips order tne two firft queflions only to be 
fent unto die Judges, without any mention to be made 
of die two laft, which particularize the 2& of tonnage 
and poundage. 





References to the judges about famaiea. 

Council'-chamberj 2yth Aprtly i68o. 


I AM commanded by the right honourable the lords of 
the privy-council appointed a committee of trade and fo- 
reign plantations to figniiy their defires, diat you attend 
his majefty's Judges wim the queftions following : 

ift. Wnetner from the paft and prefent ftate df Jamaica, 
his majefty's fubjeds inhabiting and trading there have a 
rk;ht to th<^ hy^ of England, as Englifhmen, or by virtue 
of the king'» proclamation, or otherwife? 

2d. Whether his majefty's fubjeds of Jamaica, claim* 
ing to be governed by the laws of England, are not bound 
as well by fuch laws as are beneficial to the king, by ap- 
pointing taxes and fubfidies for the fupport of the govern- 
ment, as by other laws, which tend only CD the bedefit 
and «Uc of the fubje<^ ? 

WhrdK queftions their lordfhips dedre his Wjefty's 
judges to confider and anfwer in writing, aiHl to return 
, the opinions to the committee with conveAjeat fpeed* 

I am, with refped, f^e. 






OrdiT to the judges about the queftion ofjamaicet. 
At the court at Whitehall, the 23d of June, 1 680, 

Prince Rupert, 

Archbp.^oF Canterbury, 
Lofd Chancellor, 
Lord Prefidfcrrt, 
Lord Privy-Seal, 
Duke of Albemarle, 
Marqui^ of Worcefter^ 
Earl of Oflfory, 
Lord Gh^berlain, . 
Earl of Sunderland, . 
Ead.oC Clarendon, 


His Majefty, 

Earl of Bath, 

Lord Biihop of London9 

Mr. Hyde, 

Mr. Finch, 

Lord Chief Juftice North, 

Mr. Coventry, 

Mr. Secretary Jenlqns, 

Mr. ChanceUi^r of die Ex- 

Mr. Godolphin. 

IT is thts day ordered in council, that Mn Attorney 
and Mr. Scdicitor General do attend his majefty'^ Judges,^ 
and defire them to ailemble with all convenient ^peed, and, 
being afTembJed, to confer with diem concerning this quef- 
tion; viz. 

' Whether, by his majefty's letter, prodamadon, or com- 
miffions, annexed, his maiefty hath excluded himfelf from 
the power of eftablifliing laws in Jamaica, it being a con* 
quered country, and all laws fettled by authority there 
being now expired ? 

And that, upon receiving* the opinions of his majefty^s 
judges, under their bands tn writings they do report the 
fame to the lords of the privy-councU appointed a com- 
mittee for trade and foreign plantations. 





Extra£f of an order in counciL 

At the committee of trade and plantations, in 
the council-chamber at Whitehall, the 7th of 
September, 1680, 

Lord Prefidenti Marq. oi Worccfter, Mr. Sec. Jenkins* 

MR. Secretary Jenkins acquaints the committee, diat 
Colonel Long, of Jamaica, had foroe days before furren* 
dered himfelf to him, upon a bond of ten thoufand pounds 
given to the Earl oi Carlifle to that purpofe > and that he 
had taken his fecurity for the lil^e fum, that he would 
attend the firft council, on Friday next, being the loth 


Cofj of an order in council. 


At the coounittee of trade and plantations, in 
the council-chamber at Whitehall, 


Prince Rupert, Earl of Clarendon, 

Lord Prefident, Earl of Bath, 

Marquis of Worcefter, Mr. Secretary Jenkins. 

THE Earl of Carlifle is called in, and delivers a paper 
containing a charee againft Colonel Long, which is read, 
confifting chiefly in three points ; vis. That he had razed 
the king's name out of the ad for raifing a public revenue ; 



BOOK that he had granted an habeas corpus^ being judge, for a 
II* perfon condemned by law ; and had oppofed the fettlement. 
\i^np^^ of the country purfuant to the king's orders. 

And his lordmip declaring, that he had nothing more to 
fay againft Colonel Long than was contained in that paper, 
only referving to himfelf the liberty of explaining what he 
had therein mentioned. Colonel Long is called in, and the 
paper read to him; whereupon he podtively denies that 
he had done ^y thing to the bill without the diredions of 
the aflem^ly ; and that he believes die razure happened, in* 
afmuch as the clerk of the aflembly had tranfcribed the 
bill pafled in Sir Thomas Lynch's time, which was now 
blotted out by the agreement of the governor, council, and 
afiembly, and the words written in his hand were only ad* 
ded to make up the fenfe, which otherwife would have been 
wanting, which he did as fpeaker of that aflembly from 
whom he had directions j which is confirmed by the let- 
ters of Major Molefworth, Mr. Bernard, Mr. Afturft, 
Mr. Burton, and of the clerk of the aflembly. 

As to the granting an habeas corpus^ he declares he did 
not know the perfon was condemned ; and that it is ufoal 
for the judges to fign blank habeas corpus\ which the 
clerk gives out in courfe. 

And that he never oppofed the kmg*s orders, other- 
wife than bv exprefling his opinion, that they were noc 
for his majefty's fervice, nor the good of the country. 

N U M B K R 






Extra£f of an order in council. 

At the committee of trade and plantations, in 
the council-chamber at Whitehall, Tuefday 
the 1 2th of OSober, 1680, 

l^rince Rupert, 
Lord Prefident, 
Lord Privy-Seal, 
Marquis of Worcefter, 
Earl of Sunderland, 
Earl of Clarendon, 


Earl of Halifax, 
Vifcount Fauconberg, 
Mr. Hyde, 
Mr. Godolphin, 
Mr. Secretary Jenkins, ' 
Mr. Seymour. 

THE Earl of Carlifle attending, acquaint^ the commit*- 
tee, that the a£t for raiflng a public revenue will expire in 
March next, and that the government will be left under very 

Sreat neceffities, in cafe flie king do not give Sir Henry 
lorgan leave to pafs a temporary bill, until the full fettle- 
ment of affairs fhall be agreed on, which is like to take up 
a confiderable time ; and therefore propofes that the order 
in council, dateid the 14th of January laft (which is read) 
forbidding the govi?rnor to raife money by any other aft or 
order whatfoever than by the bill tranfmitted by his niajefty, 
which the afllembly will not be willing to pafs until the go^ 
vernment be entirely fettled in fuch manner as may be 
more agreeable to them than the Irifh model, be fufpended. 
His lordfhip proceeds to give an account of his tranfa&ions 
with the aflembly to perfuade them to pafs the revenue 
bill, and reads the objedions of tlie aflembly, and his an- 
fwer to them ; whereof, and of the council-books, his lord- 
ihip is defired to eive a tranfcript to the committee. 

There having been two laws read which were entered 
therein, the orif made by Colonel D'Oyley and the coun- 
cil, foi; raiiing impofts on liquors, the other by Sir Charles 
Lytttlton and h\fi coun^4l, being a fupplemental z& to the 

* And his lordfhip acquainting the committee, that, as for 
licences of taverns he had fet them on foot before he pafled 
any bill of revenue : 



It is thereupon thought fit, by tome of their lonUhips 
that the aflemlily of Januiica be induced tp pa& a perpetual 
bill, by having leave to appropriate die revenue to die fup% 
port of the government. 

And die committee is appointed to meet again on diis 
bufmefs on Thuriday, at nine o'clock in the morning § 
when Colonel Long, and die odier aflembly-men lately 
come over, are Co attend. 

NUMBER tKiai. 


At the committee of trade and plantations ia 
the council-chamber at Whitehall, Thurfday 
the i4di of Odober, 1680, 


Prince Rupert, Earl of ElTex, 

Lord Prefident, Earl of Hali£uc, 

Lord Privy-Seal, Vifcount Fauconberg, 

Marquis of Worceftcr> Lord Chief Juftice North) 

£al-l of Clarendon, Mr. Secretary Jenkins. 

THE Earl of Carlifle attends, and produces an entry m 
the council-book of Jamaica, of a law pafTed by Colonel 
D'Oyley and the council, for railing a public revenue, 
and of another paflfed by Sir Charles Lyttelton and the 
council, being a fupplemental zSt to tne former, both 
which are indefinite, and not determined by the commiffi- 
ons of Colonel D'Oylev or my Lord Windfor, whofe de- 
puty Sir Charles Lyttelton was. 

After which. Colonel Long and Mr. Afhurft are called 
in (the other gcndemen of Jamaica being in the country) 
and being aiked. Why they were not willing that a perpe^ 
tual bill of revenue (hould pafs in Jamaica ? they made an- 
fwer, that they havd no other way to make their aggriev* 
ances known to the king, to have them redrefied, mn by 
the dependance of the governor upon the aflembly, whicn 
is preferved by pafling temporary bills of revenue ; and 
that, a perpetual bill being pafTed, all the ends (rf" govern- 
ment would be anfwered, and there would be no further 
need of calling afTcmblics. To which. my Lord of Carlifle 



replies^ that, notwithftanding any aA for raifing an Itnpoft APPEN- 
on liquors (hould be^pafled in that manner, yet the neceffities DIX. 
and contingencies of the government are fuch as to re- ^ 
quire the frequent callihg <^ aflemblies, for raifing money 
by other means, and doing public "works, the prefent reve-*> 
nue coming far fhort of the >bxpence of the government4 

Their lordfblps tell Colonel Long;, that, in cafe thev be 
willing and pafs the ad of revenue indefinitely, the king 
may be induced tp fettle other perpetual laws, which they 
ihall propofe as beneficial to them« 

The gentlemen of Jamaica being withdrawn, dieir \otd^ 
fhips enter upon a debate concerning a continuaiice of the 
two laws made by Colonel D'Oyley and Sir Charles Lyt-p 
telton before mentioned, and bow jar the Englifii laws and 
methods of gvOemnunt ought to take place in yamaica; and 
it is there alUdfed^ ^ that the laws of England cannot be in 
^ force in another country^^ where the conftitution oftheplac§ 
** // different from that of England:* 

Upon the whole matter, the committee defire my Lord 
Chief Juflice North to report his opinion in writing, on 
Monday next, upon the queflion following ; viz. 

I ft. Whether the king, by his proclamation publifbed 
during my Lord Windfor's government, his majejifs letter 
dated lyh of^anuary^ 1672*3, or any other ad,appearing 
by the laws of England or any laws of Jamaica, or by his 
majefly^s commiilions or inftrudions to his governors, 
has divefled himfelf of the power ht formerly had to alter 
the forms of government in Jamaica f 

2d« Whether any ad of the aflembly of Jamaica, or 
any other ad of his majefly or his governors, have totally 
repealed the ads made oy Colonel D'Oyley and Sir 
Charles Lyttelton for raifing a public revenue, or whether 
they are now in force ? 

filemorandumy His majefly being prefent, my Lord 
Chief Juftice North was added to the committee. 

Memorandum^ Colortel Long having mentioned foma 
trauifadions of my Lord Vaughan's during his go- 
vernment, his lordfhip is to be fummon^ for the 
' next mating. 





At the cominkted of trade and plantations, (a 
the council-chamber at Whitehall, on MOft- 
day the x8th of Oaober, 1680, 

Lord Prcfident, 
Lord Privy-Seal, 
Lord Chamberlain, 
Earl of Eflex,. 
£arl of Clarendon, 


Eari of Halifiuc, 

Lord Vifc. Fauconberg, 
Lord Chief Juftice North, 
Mr. Secretary Jenkins, 
Mr. Seymour. 

MY Lord Chief Juftice North having acquainted the 
committee, that he had confidered of the two queftions 
proppfed by their lordfhips ; and that, although fome fur- 
ther time would be requifite for him to give in his anfwer, 
yet, in refpecft of the hafte that was neceffary for fettling 
the revenue, his lord(hip undertakes to return his anfwer 
at the next meeting upon the fecond queftion ; wherein his 
lordfhip is defired to Uke to his afliftance fome other of his 
majefty's judges ; viz. 

Whether any a<a of the aflembly of Jamaica, or any aft 
of his majefty or his governors, have totally repealed the 
a<as made by Colonel D^Oyley and Sir Charles Lyttelton, 
for raifing a public revenue,^ or whether they are now in 







At the committee of trade and plantations, in 
the council-chamber at Whitehall, on Wed- 
nefday the 26th of Oftober, 1680, 

Lord Prefident, 
Earl of Sunderland, 
Earl of Bridgwater^ 
Earlof Effex^ 
Earl of Halifax, 


Lord Chief Juftice Nordi, 
Lord Bifhop of London, 
Mr. Secretary Jenkins, 
Mr. Seymour^ 

^ MY Lord Chief Juftice North having delivered his 
opinion in writing upon the queftion recommended to him 
at the laft meeting. Colonel Long, Mr. Beefton, Mr. 
Afliurft, and other planters and merchants of Jamaica, 
together with the Earl of Carlifle, are called in, and his 
lordfbip's opinion is read to them ; whereby his lordfhip 
concludes, that the aft of revenue macle in 1663, 
by Sir Charles Lyttelton is yet in force, as being not 
repealed by any fubfequent acts, which were limited to 
the term of two years bv his majefty's commands. But 
Colonel Long objects, tnat there was a law made by Sir 
Thonus Modyford, which declares all laws pafled at Sir 
Charles Lyttel ton's aflemblies void, for want of due form 
in the writs, and other particulars: whereupon they are 
bid to withdraw; and whereas my Lord Chief Juftice 
North was not prefent when this objeftion was made, their 
lordfhips think fit that he be acquainted therewith, and de- 
ffred to renew his opinion ; and the gentlemen of Jamaica 
are alfo defired to be ready with the objedllons they have 
to make to his lordftiip's report, at the next meeting, 
which is appointed for to-morrow at three in the ;;fcer- 






At the committee of trade and plantafioos, ih 
the council-chamber at Whitehall, Thurfl^ 
2ift of Oaobcr, i68o, 

P & B S £ N T, 

Prince Rupert, Vifc Fauconber^ 

Lord Prefident, Mr. Hyde, 

Marquis oF Worcefter, Lord Chief Juftice Nortiv 

Ear! of Bridgwater, Mr. Secretary Jenkins, 
Earl of Clarendon, 

THE lords, being met to confider die buCnefs of Ja^ 
maica, order the proclamation publiihed in my lord Wind* 
for's time to be read: and thereupon their lordihips ex- 
prcfs their opinion, that his majefty did thereby iflue and 
fettle the property of the inhabitants, tut not thf govern* 
ment and form : tnence thefe queftions did arife } vi%* 

ift. Whether, upon the confideration of the commiffion 
and inftrudions to Colonel D'Ovley, and Sir Charles. 
Lyttelton, and the conftitution of the ijland thereupon^ the 
2Sts of council made by Colonel D'Oyley and Sir Charles 
Lyttelton were perpetual laws, binding to the inhabitants 
of the iiland I 

2d. Whether, fuppofmg thofe laws good and perpetual, 
any of the fubfequent laws, or the proclamation in my 
I-rord Windfor's time, have taken away the force of thefe 
laws ? 

And becaufe the gentlemen of Jamaica made divers ob- • 
je^^ions againft the validity of thofe laws, as being made 
by the governors and council without an afTembiy, and 
againft the perpetuity of them, as being repealed by fub- 
fequent laws ; their lordfhips do therefore think it moft 
conducing to his m^efty's fervice, that Colonel Long, 
Major Beeilon, and Mr. Afhurft, do attend my Lord Chief 
Juttice North, in order to explain to his lordfhip what is 
chiefly cxpeded by them, whereby they may be induced 
ro fettle the revenue for the fupport of tl\e government, to 
ibe end matters may be brought to an accommodation. 




At die committee of trade and plantations, 



in the 

council chamber at Whitehall, Wednefday the 
27th of Oaober, 1680, 


Irord Privy-Seal, Earl of Badi, Mr. Chancellor of 
Earl of Bridgwater, Earl of Halifax, the Exchequer. 
Lord ChamMrlain, 

MY Lord Chief Juftice North reports, that he has 
W^ attended by the gentlemen of Jamaica, who havir 
declared ^emfelves ivilling to grant the king a perpetual 
bill for the payment of the governors, and another bill for 
fhe payment of contingencies to continue for /even years, 
provided they may be reftored to their ancient form of 
Eoffing laws, and may be affiired of fuch of the laws of 
England as may concern their libertv and property. 

Their lordfliips take notice, that the revenue ot Jamaica 
will expire in March next, iXttSt a letter to be prepared, 
for the approbation of the council, empowering $ir Henry 
^organ to call "an aflembly, and to endeavour the paffing 
a temporary bill, with their confent, for the revenue; and, 
\n cafe of meir refuial, to raife the fame in fuch manner a^ 
ktth been done by former governors. 

M^marandum^ At the council on the inftant, 9 

^ught of the aforementioned letter was read. 

And upon reading the petition of the planters, mer- 
chants, and inhaoitants of Jamaica, praying to be reftored 
to their ancient method of making laws, the lords of the 
committee arc ordered to meet de die in diemj until they 
(hall have agreed on fuch a method for the making of 
laws, and die fettlement of 'the government, as they {hall 
6ad moft convenient for his majeily's fcrvice. 







At the committee of trade and plantations, in the 
council-chamber at Whitehall, on Thurfday the 
28th of Oaober, 1680, 

P H E S E N T, 

Prince Rupert, 
Lord Privy-Seal, 
Lord Chamberlain, 
£arl of Bridgwater, 
Earl of Sunderland, 
Earl of Clarendon, 
Earl of Effex, 

Earl of Halifiur, 
Vifcount Faucoiiberg, 
Bifhop of London, 
Mr. Hvde, 

Lord Chief Jufticc North, 
Mr. Secretary Jenkins. 

THEIR lordfliips having confidered that part of the 
letter from the council of Jamaica, dated 20th May laft, 
that concerns the laws, and having read the petition of the 
merchants and^ planters of Jamaica, prefented in council 
on the as alfoa paper prepared b^ Mr, Blackwayt, 

concerning the manner of making laws m Jamaica, their 
lordfhips, upon full confideration and debate of what may 
beft conduce to his majefty's fervice, agree, that tbeprefnU 
7nith(id of making laws in Barbadoesy as fettled by the commif- 
fion of Sir Richard Duttony be propofed unto his majefly in 
(ouncil: and that powers be drawn up for the Earl of 
Carlifle, with inftruftions fuitable to that fdieme; and 
with refpe£l to the prefent circumftances of Jamaica, and 
that the aflembly may be the more eafily induced to ^rant 
a revenue for the fupport of the government, their Tord^ 
(hips are of opinion, that his maiefty's quit-rents, and the 
(ax on the wine-licences, as well as all other levies which 
now are or fhall be made, be appropriated to the fupport of 
the government^ and to no other ufe whatfoevert 




Extras of an ordir in council 

At the committee of trade and plantations, in the 
touncil-chamber at Whitehall, on Saturday the 
30th of Odober, 1680, 

P R I s £ N T, 
Prince Rupert, Earl of Clarendoi^ 

Duke of Albemarle, Earl of EfTex, 

Lord Chamberlain, Vifcount Fauconberg, 

Earl of Bridewater, Earl of Hali&x, 

Earl of Sunoerland, Mr. Secretary Jenkins. 

COLONEL Long and the other gentlemen of Jamaioa 
attend, and are acquainted with the refolutions of the com* 
mittee to report to his majefty, that they may enjoy the 
fame method of making laws as is now appointed for 
Barbadoes; with which the gentlemen expreis themfelvM 
▼ery weU ^tisfied. 


9opj of powers to tho Earl of Carlijle for making laws. 

Charles the Second, by the grace of God, king of 
England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender 
of the Faith, &c. 

To our right trufty and right well-beloved cou/in 
Charles Earl of Carlifle, our captain-general 
and governor in chief in and over our ifland of 
Jamaica, and other the territories depending 
thereon^ and to our deputy-governor and com- 
mander in chief of our faid ifland ; and, in cafe 
of their death or abfence, to our council of 

WHEREAS, by our royal commiifion bearing date 
tlie firft of March, in the thirtieth year of our reign, 
w« having thought fit to conftitutc and appoint you, 




B O K Charles Earl of Carlifle, captain-general and govenKM* in 
II- chief in and over our ifland of Jamaica, and the territories 

% i. V' '■'depending thereon, thereby commanding and requiring 
you, or in your abfence our deputy-governor, or our 
council, to do and ei^ecute all things belonging to the faid 
command, and the truft repofed in you, acconling to the 
feveral powers or directions granted or appointed you by 
' the iaid conimiiSonand the inftru£lio|is therewidi given 
you, or by further powers and in^ru^ions to l)e granted 
or appointed you under fmr ilgnet and fign manujd, as bv 
\ our iaid 0mmiffion (reference being thereunto had) dom 

more at large appear : and whereas it is neceflary that good 
and Wholefome laws and ordinances be fettled and eftablifh* 
ed for the government and fupport of our ifland of Jamaica ; 
we do hereby give and grant unto you fiill power ahd au- 
thority, with the advice and confent of the faid council, 
from time to time, as heed fhall require, to fummoh or cal| 
general aflemblie^ of the freeholders and planters within 
the faid ifland, in manner' and form as is now praSifed in 
Jamaica. And our will and pleafure is, that the perfons 
thereupon dulv ele£led by the major part of the freeholders 
of the refpedive pariflies and places, and fo returned (hav- 
ing, before their fitting, taken the oaths of allegiance and 
fupremacy, which you fhall commillionate fit perfons, un-r 
der the public (eal of that ifland, to admiiiifter, and without 
talcing which none fhall be capable of fitting, though elect- 
ed) £all be called and held the general aflembly of pur 
ifland of Jamaica ; and that they, or the major part of 
them, fhall have full power and authority, with the advice 
and confent of yourfelf and of the council, to make, con- 
flitute, and ordain laws, flatutes,^ and ordinances, for the 
public peace, welfare, ^d good governpient of (he faid 
ifland, and of the people and inhabitants thereof, and fuch 
other as fhall refort thereto, and for the benefit df our heirs 
and fucceffors ; which faid laws, ilatutes, and ordinances, 
are to be (as near as conveniently may be) agreeable to the 
laws and flatutes of our kingdom of England : provided, 
that all fuch laws, flatutes, and ordinances, of what naturd 
or dufation whatfoever, be, within three months, or by die 
firfl Conveyance after the making the fame, traftfrtiitted unto 
us under the public feal, for our allowance and approbation 
of them, as alfo duplicates thereof by the next conveyance ; 
luid in cafe all or any of them (bein^ not before coimrmed 
\fy us) fhall at any time be difallowed and not approved, and 
', . (b 



fo fignified by us, our heirs or fucccflbrs, unccr our or APPEN- 
their fign manual or fignec, or by order of our or their* DXX. 
privy-council} unto you, the faid tarl of Carlifle, or to the * 
commander inchi^f of our (aid ifland for the time being, 
then fuch or fo many of them as (hall be fo difallowed and 
not approved ihall from thenceforth ceafe, determine, and 
be utterly void and of none cffcfl, any thing to the con- 
trary thereof notwithftanding. And, to the end nothing 
may be pafled or done in our faid ifland by the faid couiKil 
or aflfembly to the prejudice of us, our heirs or fucceiTors, 
we will and ordain that you, the faid Charles Earl of Car* 
lifle, (hall have and enjoy a negative voice in the making or 
pafling of all laws, ftatutes, and ordinances, as afore&id $ 
and that you (hall and may likewife, from time to time, as 
you (hall Judge it neceflary, diflblve all general aflfemblies^ 
as afore(aid ; any thing in our commiifion bearing date sm 
aforefaid to the contrary hereof notwithfhinding« And our 
will and pleafure is, that, in cafe of your death or abfence 
from our faid Ifland, our deputy-governor for the time be* 
ing exercife and enjoy all and ungidar the powers and au« 
thorities hereby granted unto vou, or intended to be grant- 
ed you, the faid Charles Earl of Carlifle ; and in cafe ho 
likewife happens to die, or be abfent from our faid ifland, 
we do hereby authorize and empower our council of Ja- 
maica to execute the powers hereby given you, until wc 
ihall declare our further pleafure therein. 

Given at our court at Whitihall^ ibis ^Jay of No* 
vernier^ in the thirty-Jicondycar sj 4ur reiffu 

[ 3'5 ] 


H I S T O R Y, 



Britifli Colonies in the Weft Indies. 

BOOK m. 


C H A P. I. 


Brji Arrival of the Englijb at this IJland.^Ori- 
gin, progrefsj and termination of the Proprie- 

. tary Government. Revenue granted to the 

Crown of J^per centum on all Produce exported 
'--homo obtained, — Origin of the A61 of Naviga- 
tion.-— Situation and extent of the Ifiand.—Soil 
and Produce.— Population. — Decline, and Caufes 

. thereof— Exports and Imports. 


HE Ifland of Barbadoes, of which I nowCHAF. 
ropofe to treat, was probably firft dilbovered I- 
y. the Portugiiefe in their voyages from Brafil ; ' 



BO O K and £ram U^m it recdved the iMoe whidi it (Kn 
III* retains ^» It was found witboat occupants or 
' claimantsw The Charaibes, for reafons altogether 
nnkiuiwii to tis» bad deferted it» and the Pqrra* 
guefe> fatisfied with the fplendid regions thejr 
had acquired on the Continent, feem to have 
confidered it as of little vahie. Having fnmiih* 
cd it with a breed of fwine for the boiefit of 
fuch of their countiymen as might navigate th« 
£uKie tracks they left the iiland in all other re* 
Ipeds as they found it. 

Of the Englifh, the firft who are J^nown to 
have landed in this iiland, wexe the crew of a 
ihip called the QHve Bla/fomy. bound frooi Ixn* 
don to Surinam, in 1605, and fitted ont at theex-^ 
pence of Sir OHve Leigh, whon^ Purchas ftiles 
* a worfhipfnl knight of Kent/ Finding it with- 
out inhabita^tsy they took pofTeffion of the ooon* 
try, by fixing up a crols on the fpot where ^ames^ 
J&wtt was ^terwards built, with this infbnptiinv 
^ James Kii^ of England and this iOand ;^ but, 
they b^an no fettlement, nor made any confi* 
derableftay in a country entirely uninhabited 
and overgrown with woods; yet it fumifhed 
theni with freih provifions* They foimd pigs» 
pigeons^ and parrots^ and the lea aoounded with 

Some years after thisy a Ihip of Sir Willian^ 
Courteen'sy a merchant of London, retnming 
from Brafil, was driven by ftrefsof weather in- 
to this iiland, and finding refidhments on it^ 
the mailer and feamen, on thdr arrival in Eng- 
land, made fo favourable a report of the beautr 
and fertility of the countiy, that Lord Ley (afc^ 
iterwards Earl of Marlborough, and Lord High 


* It It fiiid not to haTo btea notked m zny fitt-diart \^ 


TreadTurcr) immediately obtained from Kin^CHAF. 
James the Firft a giant of the iiland to himfelf L 
and his heirs in perpetuity, 

Coaiteen himlelf was a man of extenfive Views 
and magnificent proje&s. He immediately be* 
San (probably under the patrons^e of Marlbo- 
roogh) to form ideas of efiabliihiog a colony in 
the diflant but promiiiqg territory. Having en- 

gged about thirty perfons^ who nndextook to 
ttle in the ifland, and furniihed them with 
took, provifions and neceflaries of ^ kinds for 
plant'mg and foitifying the iilanc^ he appoint* 
cd William Deane their governor, and fent them 
away in a (hip called the WiUiam end Jain^ com- 
manded by John PowelL They arrived lafe 
in the latter end of the year 1624, and laid the 
foundations of a town, which, in honour of the 
fbvereign, they denominated J AMES-TowK; and 
thus be^ the firft Engliih fettlement in th^ 
Bland of fiarhadoes. 

For fome cume pievio^s to this, it had become 
fiifiiionabk for men of h^ rank and dtftini&toii 
to engage in fea adventures, procbiimiuj^ them* 
felves the patrons of colonization and foreign 
commerce. In the lifts of thofe who contribut- 
ed to the Britiih lettlements in Virginia, NevT 
England; the Bermuda Iflands, and other places 
in the New World, may be found the names of 
many of the fixft nobility and gentry of the 
kingdom. Among others who diftinguifhrd 
themfelves in fuch purfuits, at the time that Bar- 
badoes was thus planted by a private merchant, 
was James Hay, Earl of darliile. This noble- 
man was at tliat jun^ure engaged in the efta- 
UiAunent of a colony in the iHand of St. Chrif- 
tapher (as we (hall hereafter have occafion more 
particularly to relate) and, either not knowing 
of the Earl of MarlborougVs .patent, or con- 
caving that it interfered with his own preten- 



BOOK fions*, he applied for and obtaine^J, inthefirft 
m. year of Charles I. a warrant for a grant, by let-, 
ters patent under the great; feal of England, 
of all the Charaibean Iflands, including alfo 
Barbadoes ; but when the grant came to be ac- 
tually pafTed, the Earl of Marlborough oppof- 
ed it, on the ground of priority of right* The 
difpute between thefe noble lords continued for 
a confiderable time; at length the contending 
parties thought it prudent to compromife the 
matter, and, on the Earl of Carlifle's undertak- 
ing to pay the annual fum of £1^00 to the Earl 
of Marlborough and his heirs for ever, Marlbo- 
rough waved his patent, and,, in confequence of 
this arrangement, on the 2d of June 1627, the 
Earl of Carlifle's patent paffed the great feal, who 
thereupon became fole proprietor f. 


* It isfaid that he had obtained from Tames I. a grant, 
or warrant for a grant, under the great feal, of all the Cha- 
raibean Iflands, which the king erected into a province bj the 
name of CarHola^ on the modelof the palatinate of Durham* 

t Among other claufes in this grant are the following: 
*' Further know ye, that we,. for us our heirs and fucceffors, 
have authorized and appointed the faid^^mf j Earl of Carlj/le 
and his heirs (of whole fidelity, prudence, juftice, and 'w^-' 
dom, we have great confidence) {or the good and happy^ go- 
vernment of the faid province, whether for the puba<^fecu- 
rity of the iaid province or the private utility of every ifim, 
to make, eredl, and fet forth, and und^r his or their fighet 
to publifh, fuch laws as he the (aid Earl of CarFifte or his 
hf;lr», ^v'ith the confcni% ajfent^ and approbation of the Jree inha- 
bit ants of the faid province ^ or the greater part of iben^y th^r^eunto 
to he cdlledf and in fuch form as he or they in his or their dif- 
cretion fliall think fit and beft. And thefe laws muft all men 
for the time being, that do live within the limits of the 
faid province, obferve; whether they be bound to fea, or 
from thence returning to England^ or any other our cbmi- 
nions, or any other place appointed, upon fucK impofitions, 
penalties, imprifonment, or rellraint that it behoveth, ,and th? 
quality of the offence requireth, either upon the body, or 
death itfclf, to be executed by the faid James Earl of Carltfle^ 
and by his fidrs, or by his or their deputy, judges, juftices, 




Duiing this conteft about the difpofd of conn- CHAP, 
tries, moft of which were at that time in the I- 
bands of their^ proper owners, the Charaibes ; V"*""-^ 
the man, who alone had the merit of annexing 
the plantation of Barbadoes to the crown of 
England feems to have been ihamefully negled- 
cdL The Earl of Marlboirough, having fecured 

' ^ ; •' to ' 

aiagifintes, o&cen, and mtniilers, according, to the tepor 
and true meaning otthefe prefents, in what caufe foever, and 
with fuch power as to him the faid Raines !Earl oiF CarltfU^ or 
his heir, mall feem beft ; and to' difpofe of oi!enCes or rioc< 
vhatfoever, either by iea or land, whether before judgment re- 
eled, or after remitted, ire^, pardon^, pr forgiven; and 
to do and to perform all and ever/ thing, and thing% which 
to the fulfilling of juilice, courts or manner of proceeding in 
their tribunal, may or doth belong or appertain, although 
exprefi mention of them in thele prefents be not made, yet we 
have granted full power by virtue of thefe- prefents therein to 
be ma<le; which laws fo abiblutely proclaimed, and by ftreagth 
of right fupported as they are granted, we will, enjoin, charge^ 
and command all and every fubjed and liege people of us, our 
heirs and fiictefTors, fbfar as them they do concern, inviolabl/ 
to keep and obferve, under the pains therein exprdfed; i(> at 
notwitlifbmding the aforefaid laws be agreeable and not repug- 
nant unto reaibn, nor agii^nit it ; but as convenient and agree- 
able as may be to the law't flatutes, cuftpms, and rights oT our 
kingdom of J?ii^//JnflC"'-— " "We will alfo, of our princely grace, 
for us, our heirs and fucceffbrs, ftraightly charge, make, and 
ordain, that the faid province be of our allcffiance, and that all 
and every lubjed and liege people of us, our heirs and fucceifor^ 
brought or to be brounit, and their chikiren, whether there, 
bom or afterwards to be born, become natives and fubjefls 
of us our heirs and fuccciTors, and be as free as they that were 
bom in England; and fo their inheritance witUn our king- 
dom of England^ or other our. dominionai, to ieek, receive, 
take, hold, buy, and pofTefs, and ufe and enjoy them as hit 
own, and to give, fell, alter, and bequeath them at their 
pleafure; and alfo freely, quietly, and peaceably to have and 

Effefi all the liberties, franchifes, and privileges of this 
Kgdomi, and them ^6 ufe and enjoy at liege peome of Eng-^ 
lamd^ whether born, or to be born, without impediment, xsia' 
leftation, vexation, injury, or trouble of us our heirt and 
fucceflbrs, any ftatute, aA, ordinance^ or provifo, to the con- 
trary notwithftanding*" . . 


3io his TOUT OF THE 

BO O K to Iiiihfelf and his pofterity, the gratification I 
III- have mentioned^ deferted him; and the Lord 
Carlifle, having done him premeditated injury^ 
became his irreconcileable enemy. Courteen^ 
however^ found a friend in William Earl of 
Pembroke, who reprefentcd his cafe in fuch a 
light to the King, as to obtain a revocation of 
Carlifle's patent, and a grant to himfelf in truft 
for Courteen. 

But the hopes of this worthy citizen were of 
Ihort continuance. The Earl of Carlifle wag, at 
that jundure, abfent from the kingdom, a clr- 
cumftance which gave fome colour to his charge 
of ihjuftice and precipitancy in the proceeding. 
On his return to England, he complained that he 
had been condemned and deprived of his proper- 
ty unheard; and the monarch on the throne, 
who feems, through the whole of his unfortu- 
nate reign, rather to liave wanted refolution to 
purfue the right path, than fagacity to difcem 
it, trod back his ground a fecond time ; for, un- 
able to refill the clamorous importunity of a 
worthlefs favourite^ he aftually annulled the 
grant to the Earl of Pembroke, and, by fecond 
letters patent to the Earl of Carlifle, again reflor- 
ed to him the privileges of which he had him- 
felf, a ftiort time before, deprived him. 

Thus by an aft of power, which its repugnan- 
cy and aofurdity alone, rendered illegal, the 
Earl of Carlifle again found himfelf lord para- 
mount of Barbadoes; and in order completely to 
ruin all the interefls in the colony of his compe- 
titor, he proceeded to diflribute the lands to 
fuch perfons as chofe to receive grants at his 
hands on the terms propofed to them. A focie- 
ty of Ix>ndon merchants^ accepted ten thoufand 


* The names of thofe merchants wttt Marmaduke Bran- 
don, William Perkin, Alexander Baniftcr, Robert Wheatl^. 



tores, on conditions which promifed great ad- CHAP. 
vantage to the propriietor; but they were allowed I. 
the liberty of fending out a perfon to prefide 
over their concerns in the colony, and they made 
choice for this purpofe of Charles Woolferftone, 
who repaired to the ifland, accompanied with 
fixty-four perfons, each ofj whom was authorized 
to take up loo acres of land. 

Thefe people landed on the 5th of July, i6a8, 
at which time Courteen's fcttlement was in a very 
promiiing<:onditioa} but Woolferftone declared 
it an incroachment and ufurpation, and, being 
fupported by the arrival of Sir William Tufton, 
who was fent out as chief governor by Lord 
Carlifle, in 1620, with a fiarce fufficient for the 
maintenance ot his preteniions, he compelled 
the friends of Courtcen to fubmit ; and the in- 
terells of the latter Were thenceforth fwallowed 
Up and forgotten *. 

The feds which I have thus recited have been 
related fo often by others, that an apology might 
be neceffary for their infertion in this work, were 
it not, that by comparing one account with ano- 
ther, I have been enabled to corred fome impor- 
tant errors in each. And the claim of the Earl 
of Carlifle having originallv introduced and 
eftablifhed the very heavy internal impofition 
on their grofe produce, to which the planters of 
this, ana fome of the neighbouring iflands, are 
to this day liable; I have thought it neceffary to 
be particular and minute, in tracing the claim 
itfelf from the beginning. In what manner it 

Vol. I. Y produced 

Edmond Forfter, Robert Swinnerton, Henry Wheatly, Joha 
Charles, and John Farringdon. 

* In this year. Sir William Tufton gave 140 grants of 
land, compiiziog in the whole 15,872 acres, and on the 23d 
.of February, 1030, he palfed divers laws, "and among others 
one for dividing the ifland into iix parifhes. 


BOOK produced the burthen in queftion, and how B^r- 
m- badoes reverted from a proprietary to a royal 
'government, I (hall now proceed to relate. 

The adminiftration of Sir William Tufton, 
thefirft governor appointed by Lord Carlifle, 
proving difagreeable to his lordfhip. Captain 
- Henrv Hawley was fent over in 163 1 to fuper- 
fede nim. Tufton refenting this meafure, pro- 
cured the fignatures of fome of the planters to 
a petition complaining of Hawley's condu£l. 
Hawley conftrued this petition into, an zGt of 
. mutiny on the part of Tufton, for which he had 
. him tried and condemned by a court-martial, 
• and with very little ceremony caufed him to be 
; ihot to death ; a proceeding univerfally exclaim- 
^ ed againft as a moft horrid and attrocious mur- 
der. Hawley, however, though recalled on this 
-account, not only efcaped puniftiment through 
the intereft of his noble patron, but was foon 
afterwards fent back ^ain as chief governor; 
in which capacity he remained all 1638, when 
he was driven from the country by the united 
voice of all the inhabitants; who however per- 
mitted his brother William Hawley to aft as 
commander in chief until a. governor fhould be 
nbminated at home. He was fucceeded by Ma- 
[jor Hunckcs, who, leaving the ifland in 164 1, 
appointed Philip Bell, Efquiro, his deputy, and 
Bell, in 1645, was appointed chief governor *• 


♦ During ikc adminiftration of this gentleman, many fa- 
lutary laws were paffcd; among others tne following: 

ift. " Anaa for the continuance and obfervation of all 
afts and ftatutes not repealed •/' which Ad recites that there 
were divers and fundry good and wholefome laws, Hatutes, 
and ordinances provided, ena<fled, and made, ailigned, and 
agreed upon, by and with the aflent, confent, and approba- 
tion of the governor, council, and freeholders out ot every 
pariih of the liland, intituled A General AJfcmblj for tbai fmr* 


W E S T I N D I E S. 32J 

But the conduft of Hawley, thu^ violent and CHAP* 
bloody, and the fupport which he received from I- 
the proprietor, had alienated the minds of the^ 
new fe^tlers from power thus delegated and abuf. 
ed ; and the proprietor's authority loft ground 
every day. In the mean time, the civil war in. 
England caufed many people, of peaceable tem- 
pers and difpofitions, to take refiige in this ifland; 
and the confequent ruin of the King's affairs in- 
duced a ftill greater number, many of whom had 
been officers of rank in his fervice, to follow their 
example. The emigration from the mother coun-^ 
try to this ifland was indeed fo great during the 
commotions in England, that in 1650 it was com- 
puted there were 20,000 white men in Barbadoes» 
half of them able to bear arms, and furniftiing 

Y 2 even. 

fofe ekaeJ^ maJe^ and ebojen. And it is thereb/ enaded, tKat 
Done of thofe laws ihali be altered, or any thing added to 
them, without the confenc of a like General jljffemUy. And 
that ever/ pariih fhould have two reprefentatives at leaft, to 
be eleded by the freeholders. 

2d. " An addition to an A61 intitled, " An Aft for fettling 
the eilates and titles of the inhabitants of this ifland to their 
pofieflions in their feveral plantations within the fame :" it is 
therein recited, that in a claufe in the firft aft it is ordained, 
that all the inhabitants of this ifland, that were in quiet pof- 
feifion of an/ lands or tenements by virtue of any warrant from 
any former governor, or by conveyance or other aft in law, 
from them who had the fame warrant, fhould have, hold, and 
enjoy the fame, as their free efiate : and, as fome fcruples had 
iiDce arifen, whether an eilate for life or inheritance might 
be conftnicd from the fame, for want of the words their heirs ; 
to the intent the fame might be more fully explained, and all 
difputes of that kind for the future aboliihed, it is enaded, 
that by the words as their free elates, was meant, the whole 
efiate and inheritance of the refpeftive plantations within this 
Hland, fothat by fuch pofleflioain manner as by the faid aft 
isezpreifed, the faid inhabitants are thereby adjudged and 
declared to have and to hold their lands of right to them, to 
difu>fe of or alienate, or otherwife to defcend, or be confirm- 
ed to their heirs for ever." 

|ft4 HISTORY or THE ' 

^OOK even a regiment of horfe to the number of one 
m- tjhkoul'and. 

" Thefe adventurers," fays Lord Clarendon, 
planted without any body's leave, and without 
being oppofed or contradided by any body." 
^'he cale feems to have been, that the governor 
for the time being granted lands to all who, ap- 
plied, on receiving a gratuity for himfelf; and 
the claim of the proprietor, whether difputed in 
the ifland, or difregarded amidft the confufions at 
home, was at length tacitly and filently relin- 

The colony, left to its own efforts, and enjoy- 
ing an unlimited freedom, of trade, flourifhed be- 
yond example. In the year 1646, however, the 
then Earl of Carlifle, who wa^fonand heir of th.e 
patentee, ftimulated by the renown of its wealth 
and profperity, began to revive his claims as he- 
reditary proprietor; aad, entering into a treaty 
with Lord Willoughby of Parham, conveyed to 
that nobleman all his rights by leafe for twentv- 
cne years, on condition of receiving one half tne 
profits in the, mean time; but juftlv apprehend- 
ing that the refident planters might difpute his 
pretenfions, he very readily concurred with Lord 
Willoughby in foliciting a commiflion for the lat- 
ter, as chief governor, under the fanftion of re- 
gal authority f* 

This, though an abfolute dereliftion of the 
proprietaryfhip, was afked and obtained; and 
the Lord Willoughby, thus commiflioned, em- 

* Lord Carlifle had originally ftipulated for an annual tri- 
bute of forty pounds of cotton wool from each perfon who held 
lands under his grant. 

t When this application was made, the King was in tKc 
hands of the parliament; the commiiRon therefore, with his 
Majcfty's privity and approbation, was iigned by the Prince 
of Wales, at that time m Holland. . 

W E S T I N D I E S. 3ts 

barked for his government ; and, in confiderati- CHAP, 
on of the royai appointment, was received by the ^• 
inhabitants, who were warmly attached to the"" 
King's intereft, with refpe6l and obedience. It 
feems probable, that, at his firft coming, he faid 
nothing of his leafc ffbm Carliile ; trufting rather 
to future management for the re-eftablifhment of 
that lord's pretenfions, than to an open avowal 
of them on his arrival. We are told, however, 
by Clarendon, that he obtained from the plan- 
ters a promife of a contribution to the proprie- 
tor ; but before it was carried into effeft, the re- 
gal authority was abolifhed in England, and Bar- . 
badoes reduced to the obedience of the new re- 
public, by whom another governor was appointed. 
On the reftoration of Charles 11. and the re- 
cftabliftiment of the royal authority over all the 
Britifti dominions*, Lord Willoughby, who 
had eight or nine years of his leafe unexpired, 
applied to the King for leave to return to his 
government of Barbadoes. To this application 
no objedion would have been made by the in- 
habitants, if his lordlhip had confiderea himfelf 
merely as reprefentative of the crown ; but his 
connexion and contradl with the Earl of Carliile, 
were' by this time fufficiently underftood by the 
planters, who faw with aftonilhment that they 
were regarded by thofe great lords as mere te- 
nants at will of their pofleffions. They folicited 
therefore the King's fupport and protedlion. 
** Tl^ey pleaded,'* fays Clarendon, " that they 


♦ On the iStK of Febriiar/, 1661, his Majcfty honoured 
thirteen gentlemen of Barbadoes with the dignit/ of baronet- 
age, in confideration of their loyalty and fufferings during 
the civil war: They were, Sir John Colleton, SirJanicsMo- 
4iiord, Sir James Drax, Sir Robert Davers, Sir Robert Hack* 
^, Sir John Yeamana, Sir Timothy 1 hornhill. Sir John 
Witham, Sir Robert Legard, Sir John Worfum, Sir Johu 
Rawdon, SirEdwyuStedc, Sir Willoughby ChamberU^ix^, 


BOOK were the King's fubjefts ; that they had repaired 
HI. to Barbadoes as to a defolate place, and had by 
' their induftry obtained a livelihood there, when 
they could not with a good confcience ftay in 
England ; that if they fhould now be left to tnofe 
lords to ranfom themfelves and compound for 
their eftates, they inuft leave the country, and 
the plantation be deftroyed, which yielaed his 
Majefty fo great a revenue." Refpediing the 
charter granted to the Earl of Carlifle, they in- 
fifled pofitively that it was void in law; and they 
jnade two humble propofitions to the King, 
either that his Majefty would give them leave to 
inftitute in his name, but at their own coft, a 
procefs in the Exchequer for trying the validity 
of the earl's patent ; or that he would leave thole 
who claimed under it (for the fecond Earl of 
Carlifle dying in the interim, had bequeathed 
his rights in the Weft Indies to the Earl of 
Kinnoul) to their legal remedy, abfolutely de- 
nying that either the late or former Lord Carlifle 
had fuftaiued the finalleft expence in fettling the 

Inftead of confenting to either of thofe moft 
reafonable propofitions, the King ordered enqui- 
jry to be made into the feveral allegations and 
claims of the parties concerned, by a committee 
of the privy-council ; before whom fome of the 
planters beiijg heard, one of them, in order 
more readily to indyce the King to take the fove- 
reignty of theiflapd into his own hands, offered, 
in tjie name of the inhabitants, to confent, in 
that cafe, to lay an impofition of fo much in the 
hundred on the produce of their eftates, out 
of which his Majefty's governor might be ho- 
nourably fuppprted, and the King difpofe of the 
overplus as he fliould think fit. To a monarch 
of Charles's difpoiition, this was too tempting a 



propofition to be refilled. We are informed that CHAP. 

his Majefty received the offer very gmcioujly; ^ 

** and the next care of the comniittee/* adds the^ 
noble hiftorian, who was himfelf of that body, 
** was to make fome Computation, that might be 
depaided upon, as to the yearly revenue, that 
would arife upon the impofition within the 
ifland." But the planters, when called up the 
next day to give fatisfadion in this particular, 
infifted that Mr. Kendall, the perfon who had 
made the offer, had no authority to undertake 
for them, or the inhabitants within the ifland ; 
and the utmoft they could be brought to promife 
fof themfelves was, that they would ufe their 
endeavours with their friends in the ifland, to 
fettle fuch a revenue on the crown as the circuui- 
ftances of the colony would admit of, which they 
faid the affembly alone was competent to deter- 

The profpe6l of a revenue, though ftidant 
and uncertain, brought forward the creditors of 
the Earl of Carlifle, the patentee, who was 
indebted* it feems, at his death, in the fum of 
£.80,000, and they had no hopes of being paid 
but from the profits of his Weft Indian poffef- 
fions. The heirs of the Earl of Marlborough 
likewife put in their claim for the arrearage of 
the annuity of /I.300, granted under the original 
compromiie which I have before mentioned ; and 
the Lord Willotighby infifted at the fame time on 
receiving a moiety of whatever profits might 
arife during the remainder of the term yet un- 
expired m hisleafe. The other moiety, during 
that time, and the whole in rcverfiou* was claim* 
ed by the Earl of Kinnoul. 

To latisfy thefe feveral claimants, and fecure 
a perpetual revenue to the .crown, was a work 
of difficulty, and its accompliftiment feems to 
have been the fole aim of the King's minifters ^ 


B-OOK by whom, after a tedious but partial iavefti^' 
III- gation (confidering the colony as wholly at the 
~ "King's mercy) it was finally ordered, that the 
Lord Willoughby fhould immediately repair to 
his government, and infift on the grant and 
eftablilhment by the aflembly of a permanent 
and irrevocable revenue of four and a half per 
cent, to be paid in fpecie, on all dead commodi*.^ 
ties, the growth of the ifland, Ihipped to any 
port of the world ; the money arifing therefrom 
to be applied as follows : 

* Firft, towards an honourable and immediate 
provifion for the Earl of Kinnoul, who, it was 
alledged, had facrificed his fortune in the King^s 
fervice, and who covenanted, on fuch provifion 
being fecured to him, to furrender the Carlifl^ 
patent to the crown. 

Secondly, towards fatisfaftion and full dif- 
charge of Earl of Marlborough's annuity. 

Thirdly, it was ftipulated that the furplus 
ihould be divided equally between the credi- 
tors of the Earl of Carlifle and the Lord Wil- 
loughby, during the term yet unexpired of his 
lordlhip's leafe. -On the expiration thereof, 
the remainder, after providing /. 1,200 per 
annum for the King's governor for the time 
being, was ordered to be paid among the faid 
creditors till their demands were'fully fatisfied 
;ind difcharged. 

Fourthly, on the extinftion of thofe feveral 
incumbrances, it was ftipiilated that the whole 
revenue, fubjeft to the charge of £.1,200 per 
^nnum to the governor, ihould be at the difpolal 
of the crown^ 

On thefe terms it was underftood that the pro- 
prietary government was to be diffolved, and 
that the planters were to confider themfelve» 
as legally confirmed in poffeffion of their eftates. 


lucid to carry into effeft the important point, on CHAP, 
which the whole arrangement depended (the I. 
grant of a perpetnal' revenue by the aflembiy) 
the Lord Willonghby returned to his govern* 
ment in 1663. 

It is not wonderful that the planters, on his 
lordfhip's arrival, though devoted to the inte* 
refts of the crown, fhould have loudly murmur- 
ed at the condud and determination of the 
Britiih government in the progrefsand conclufion 
of the whole bulinefs. Clarendon himfelf con- 
feffes that the grant to Carlifle was voidable by 
law. The King therefore laid them under no 
great obligation in obtaining a furrendcr of it. 
Many of the planters had been obliged to quit 
their native country in confequence of the exer- 
tions in fupport of the regal caufe during the 
civil war : by the late fettlement they perceived 
a regard expreffed towards every intereft con- 
cerned but their own; and the return which 
they met with, both for their former fervices^ 
ana alfo for augmenting the trade, revenue, and 
dominion of the parent ftate by their recent 
labours, was a demand of a contribution, which 
they ftated would amount to ten peii cent, on 
the clear profits of their eflates for ever. 

But their complaints, though well founded, 
were unavailing. The king and his governor, 
were too deeply interefled to recede. The afTem- 
bly was calleo upon to forge chains for them- 
felves and their children; and, if perfuafion 
fhould fail, force was not only at hand, but was 
aftually employed to compel them to fubmiffion* 
Colonel Farmer, who led the party in oppofition, 
was arretted and fent prifoner to England, on a 
charge of mutiny and treafon, nor was he releaf- 
ed till after a tedious and feyere confinements 
Awed by this ^xamjjile^ and fenfible that no 



BOOK fupport could be eicpe&ed from the people at 
ni. home^ whofe privil^es lay proflrate at the feet . 
' of the reftorca monarch, the^ affembly paffed an 
aft for the purpofes required of them ; and their 

I)ofterity ftill bear, and it is apprehended will 
ong continue to bear, the burthen of it *. 


* I have thought it may be fatisfaf^ory to the reader to 
have s^n opportunity of peruiing the Adt at large, which I 
therefore fubjoiD, premifing, that the claufe which exempts the 
lands called the 10,000 acres, and alfo that which Aipulates 
for the building a fellions houfe, and a prifon, and providing 
for all other public charges incumbent on the government, 
out of the monies to be raifed by the Adl, have been equally 
djfregarded by the crown. The feiHon houfe and prifon were 
tiot iiniftied until the year 1730, and the expence (upwards of 
j^.5,000) was then defrayed by a fpecial tax on the inhabi- 
tants ; and there was raifi^i by other taxes no lefs a fum than 
jf .19,44. IX. 4//. in three years (viz. from 1745 to 174S) for 
the repair of the fohifications. 

An ACT for fettline an Impoft oh the Commodities of 
the Growth of this Ifland ; pafled the 1 2thof Septem- 
ber, 1663. — N® 36. 

WHEREAS our late Sovereign Lord Charles the Firft, of 
bleifed memory, did, by his letters patent under the ereat feal 
of England^ grant and convey unto James Earl of Carlifle 
and his heirs for ever, the propriety of this ifland of Barba- 
docs s And his facred Majefty that now is having by purchafe 
invefted himfelf in all the rights of the faid Ean of Carlifle, 
and in all other rights which any other perfon may claim 
from that patent, or any other; and thereby, more immedi- 
ately and particularly, hath taken this ifland into his royal 
protection. And his mod excellent Majefty having, by fetters 
patent under the great feal of England, bearing date the 
twelfth of June, in the fifteenth year of his reign, appointed 
his Excellency Francis Lord Willoughby of Parham, captain 
general and chief governor of Barbadoes, and all the Carrib- 
bee Iflands, with full power and authority to grant, oonflrm, 
and aflure to the inhabitants' of the fame, and their heirs, for 
ever, all lands, tenements, and hereditaments under his 
Majefty's great feal appointed for Barbadoes and the reft of 
the Carribbee Iflands, as, lela^on being thereunto bad, may 



The conduA oflheLord Chancellor Claren- CHAP, 
don in this affair^ who indeed appears i# have ^* 


and doth more at large appear. And ^ereas, hy virtue 
of the faid Earl of Carlifle's patent, divers governors and 
agents have been, fetft over hither, 'with authont/ to lay ouf^ 
fet, grant, or convey in parcels the lands within this ifland, 
to fuch perfons as the/ fhould think fit t v^hich was by theni, 
in their refpedlive times, as much as in them lay, accordingly 
performed. And whereas many have not their grants, war- 
rants, and other evidences for their faid lands, and others, by 
reafon of the ignorances of thofe, want fufiicient and legal 
words to create inheritances in them and their heirs, and 
others that never recorded their grants, or warrants, and 
others that can make no proof of any grants or warrants they 
ever had for their lands ; and yet have been long and quiet 
pofTefTors of the fame, and bellowed great charges thereon. 
And whereas the acknowledgment of forty pounds of cotton 
per head, and other taxes and compoiitions formerly raifed to 
the Earl of Carliile, was held very heavy : For a full remedy 
thereof for all the defeds afore-related, and quieting the pof- 
ieflions and fettling the tenures of the inhabitants of this 
ifland; Beit enaded by his Excellency Francis Lord Wil- 
loughby of Parham, &c. his council, and gentlemen 'of the 
affembly, and by the authority of the fame, that, notwith- 
ilandine the defeds afore-related, all the now rightful poffef- 
fors of lands, tenements, and hereditaments within this ifland, 
according to the laws and cufloms thereof, may at all times 
repair unto his Excellency for the full confirmation of their 
eftates and tenures, and then and there fhall and may receive 
fuch full confirmation and afiurance, under his Maiefty's 
great feal for this ifland, as they can reafonably advife or 
defire, according to the true intent and meaning of this Ad. 
And be it further enaded by the authority aforefaid, that all 
and every the payments of forty pounds of cotton per head, 
and all other duties, rents, and arrears of rent which have or 
might have been levied, be from henceforth abfolutely and 
fully releafed and made void ; and that the inhabitants of this 
ifland have and hold their feveral plantations to them and 
their heirs for ever, in free and common foctage, yielding and 
paying therefore, at the feafl of St. Michael every year, if 
the fame be lawfully demanded, one ear of Indian corn to 
his Majefty, his heirs and fucceffors, for ever, in full and 
free difcharge of all renu and fervices for the fiiture whatfot 
ever, in confideration of the releafe of the fiud fony pounds, 



B O O Kbiccii the perfon chiefly coilfulted in it, was at 
HI. terwards thought fo juftly reprehenfible, as to 
" give 

and in coniideration of the confirmation of all eflates in 
this iiland as aforefaid, and in acknowledgment of his Ma- 
jefty's grace and favour in fending to and appointing over 
us his faid Excellency, of whofe prudence and mode/kte go- 
vernment we have heretofore had large experience, and do reft 
moil aiTuxed thereof for the future. And, forafmuch as no- 
thing conduceth more to the peace and profperity of an/ 
place, and the protedion of every fingle pesfon therein, than 
that the public revenue thereof may be in fome meafure pro- 
portioned to the public charges and expences ; and alfo well 
weighing the ^at charges that there muft be of neccf- 
£ty in maintaining the honour and dignity of his Majeily's 
authority here ; the public meeting of the feffions, the often 
attendance of the council, the reparation of the forts, th^ 
building ajelfiofu houfe andaprifotii and all other public charges 
incumbent on the government j do, in coniideration thereof, ^ve 
and grant unto his Majefty, his heirs and fucceifors for ever» 
and do moil humbly deiire your Excellency to accept theie 
our grants j and we humbly pray your Excellency that it may 
be ena(^ed, and be it enabled by his Excellency Francis Lord 
Wiiloughby of Parham, captain general and chief governor 
of this iiland of Barbadoes, and all other the Caribbee UV 
lands, and by and with the confent of the council and the 
gentlemen of the aifembly, reprefentatives of this iiland, and 
by authority of the fame, That an impoil or cuftom be, 
from and after publication hereof, raiied upon the native 
Commoditie« of this iiland, after the proportions, and in 
manner and form as is hereafter fet down and appointed ; 
that is to fay, upon all dead commodities of the growth or 
produce of this iiland, that ihall be ihipped off the fame, 
ihall be paid to our Soverei^ Lord the King, his heirs and 
fucceifors for ever, four and a half in fpecie for every five 

And be it further ena<5led and declared by the authority 
aforefaid. That if any goods before-mentioned, on which 
the faid cuilom is impofed, and due, by this adl, ihall at 
any time hereafter be ihipped or put into any boat or other 
veiTel, to the intent to be carried into any parts beyond the 
Ipas, the faid impofition due for the fame not paid, com- 
pounded for, or lawfully tendered to the collectors or their 
pepiities, or not having agreed with the commiiiloners for 



give occafion to the eighth article of his Im-CHAP. 
peachment by the Houfe of Commoxxs in the L 


that purpofe to be appointed, or their deputies, for the 
fame, according to the true intent and meanin? of the faid 
a^, that then, and (rom thenceforth, fhall the uiid goods be 
forfeit, the moiety thereof to be to our fovereign lord tht 
king, and the other to him that ihall inform, feize, and fue 
for the fame in any court of record within this iiland ; -which 
grants are left to your excellency's own way of levying, ia 
tM confidence and affurance that your excellency will take 
fuch courfe for the colleding and gathering of the faid im* 
poll, without any charge, duty or iees, as may be moft for 
the eafe of the people of this ifland. 

Provided neverthelefs, That neither this aft, nor any thing 
therein contained, (hall extend or be conftrued to bar his ma- 
jeily, or hi^ faid excellency, from his or their right to any 
land granted, or any incroachments made upon the £ea, finc» 
the year one thoufand fix hundred and fifty, or to any lande 
commonly called or inown by the name of the Ten Thoufand Acres $ 
the merchants land, granted by the late Farl of Carlifle, ot 
his father, unto Marmaduke Rawden, Efquire, William Per- 
kins, Alexander Bannifler, Edmund Forfter, Captain Wheat* 
ley, and others their aflbciates, on certain covenants and con- 
ditions : Provided alfo^ that the growth and produce of the faid 
lands f mentioned in the precciBng prov'tfof he not liable to any tax\ 
impoft^ or cuflom^ impofed hythis a3; any thing in the fame feem* 
'%ng to the Contrary not'vjithfi^anding. 

And be it further enafted, by the authority aforefaid. That 
one adl made the feventeenth day of January one thoufand fix 
hundred and fifty, intituled. An adl importing the cuftoms 
impofed and granted by the council, and gentlemen of the 
affembly, to the Right Honourable Francis Lord, Willoughby 
of Parham, Lord Lieutenant General of the Province of Car- 
liola, and Governor of Barbadoes *, as alfo, his lordihip's 
confirmation of the right of the inhabitants of this ifland 
to their feveral eftates, with the tenure and rent thereon cre- 
ated, be, and is from henceforth repealed, made void, fruf- 
trate, of none effedl to all intents, conilrudUons, and pur- 
pofes whatfoever. 

In 1684, the afTembly of this ifland propofed to farm the 
four and half per cent, for eleven years, for the annual rent 
of f^* 6,000 ftcrling, to be paid into the exchequer \ the go- 


BOOK year 1667. From his anfwer to that article, I 
in. hive coUetfted (chiefly in his own words) great 
part of the account that I have given ; and there 
cannot be a ftronger demonftration of the ten- 
dency of power to pervert the judgment, and 
clouQ the faculties of the wifeft iand worthieft 
of men, than the juftification he has offered. 
He even claims great merit in not having advifed 
the king to poffefs himfelf of the whole ifland 
of Barbadoes, without any regard to the plant- 
ers or creditors concerned in the iflue. 

The profecution of this great ftatefman, how- 
ever, on this account, was of no advantage to 
the fuffering planters ; for in this, as in many- 
other cafes, the redrefs of a grievance, and the 
punilhment of its author, were objeds of' very 
diftinft confider^tion. Thofe who fought the 
ruin of Clarendon, had nothing lefs in view than 
the removal of oppreflion, frpm fubje6ls fo re- 
mote as thofe of Barbadoes. 

In thus tracing the origin^ progrefs, and ter- 
mination of the Proprietary Government in this 


vernor and council concarred, and it was agreed that £. 7,000 
currcnc/ per annum fhould beraifed by a tax of twenty-one 
pence per acre, on all lands amounting to ten or more acres, 
rhe towns and traders to be taxed ^. 500 flerline. An aft 

faffed March xptk 16^4, for tKis purpofe, and was ftnt 
ome ; but the lords of the committee for trade and plantar- 
tions reported, that the commiflioners of the cuftoms with 
whom they had, advifed, were of opinion that they could mak^ 
no eftimate of the duty, until they had experienced the pro- 
duce thereof, under the then management, for one y^r at 
leafl ; and that the commillioners appointed for managing 
^e^ faid duty in Barbadoes, had affured them the duty would 
be worth from £. 8,000 to £* 10,000 per annum. So the aft 
was repealed, 

This propofal to farm the four and a half per cent, duty, 
was made in confequence of Governor Dutton's fignifying to 
the council and affembly, on his arrival in 1680, that his ma- 
jelly was inclined to commute the taX| for a reafonable recom- 

W E S T I N D I E S. 33S 

ifland^ I have purpofely chofen not to break the CHAP, 
thread of my narration, by recording any inter- I- 
mediate events of a nature foreign to thit fubjeft. ' 
Soon after the eftablifhment of the Common- 
wealth in England, circumftances however arofe, 
refpefting this colony, which have produced fuch 
cffe6ls on the general commerce of Great Britain, 
as cannot be overlooked in an hiftorical and com- 
mercial furvey of her Weft Indian plantations, 
and of which I fliall now give fome account. 

The reader has been fufficiently apprized of 
the attachment of the Barbadians to the regal 
government. One of the firft ads paffed by the 
. affembly, after the arrival of the Lord Wil- 
loughby for the firft time, (1647) was a de- 
claration of their allegiance and fidelity to the 
unfortunate Charles the Firft, at that time a pri- 
foner to the army; and on the death of that mo- 
narch, tlie popular refentment againft his perfe- 
cutors ran fo high in this ifland, that the few 
planters who were fufpefted to be in the intereft 
of the parliament, thought it neceflary to feek 
protedlion in England. 

To punifti fuch ftubborn defenders of a ruined 
caufe, the parliament refolved, in 165 1, to fend 
a powerful armament for the reduftion of all the 
Englilh colonies in America and the Weft In- 
dies ; but particularly Barbadoes, at that time 
the moft important and hoftile of them all. 

Many, indeed, were the motives which infti- 
gated the parliament to this determination. From 
the beginning of the commotions in the mother 
country, the planters, having no other means or 
conveying the produce of their lands to Europe, 
had employed in this neceflary navigation, many 
of the ftiips and feajnen of Holland ; and at this 
junAure the Englifh government entertained very 
hoftile intentions towards the fubjefts of that re- 



£OOi!: public. The rcduftion of Barbadoes would at 
^- once punifh the colonifts, and enable the Englifh 
'parliament to deprive the Dutch of fo profitable 
anintercourfe with them ; it would alfo enrich the 
treafury of the new government, by the confifca- 
tion oi many valuable fhips and cargoes in the 
harbours of that and the other iflands. The par- 
JLiament had reafon likewife, it was faid, to ap- 
prehend that Prince Rupert, with a fquadron of 
the king's ftiips, was about cfoffinyg the Atlai;itic, 
to fecure all the Engliih American pgflef&ons for 
Charles the Second, 

Ayfcue, who commanded the parliaqient's 
forces employed in this expedition, arrived at 
Barbadoes on the i6th of 0£lober, 1651, wd 
fuqceeded at length in bringing the iflaud to c^- 
}>itulate ^ : But this was not eifedled without 
great difficulty ; for he met with fo ftout a refif- 
tance, as determined his employers at home imme- 
diately to enforce ^ fcheipe they l;iad projeded a 
Ihort time before, of altering the whole fyftem of 
the Barbadian comjpierce ; by prohibiting by an ad 
of the commonwealth, all foreign Ihipping from 
trading with the EAglifti plantations; and not 

?)ermitting any goods to be imported ii;ito Eng- 
and, or any of its dependencies, in any other 
than Englilh bottoms ; or in fhips of that Eu- 
ropean nation of which the inerchan^ize im- 
ported was th^ genuine growth and manufac- 

* Ayfcue agreed, among other things, that the crovern- 
ment ihould con lift of k governor, council and anemblj, 
according to the ancient and ufual cuilom of the iiland. 
The aiTembtx to be chofen by a free and voluntary ele6tion 
of the freeholders of the iiland, in the feveral parifhes. That 
no taxes, culloms, inapofts, loans or excjfe, fhould be laid, 
nor levy made on any of the inhabitants of this ifland, with- 
e^t their confent in a general affembly ; and that all laws 
that had been made by general afTembUeSy not repugnant to 
th^ law4 of England, fhould be good*. 


WE ST I.N D I E S.- 337 

tnre. And thus arofe the £uqou8 nav^tion a& CHAP* 
of this kingdom; for, immediately after the reC- !• 
toration, its provifions were adopted by Charles*"""*^ 
the Second, with this addition, that the mafter 
and three fourths of the mariners, ihould alfo 
be Englifh fubjeds. 

Whatever advantages the general commeree 
and navigation of England may have derived 
from tliis celebrated law, it muft be allowed 
that its original framers were aduated by no b^» 
ter motiv£s^(as a great writer^ hath obferved) 
than thofe of punifliing the planters, and clip* 
ping the wings of the Dutch. The inhabitants 
of Barbadoes, juflly confiderin^ the law as a 
chaftifement infli6ied on them by the common* 
wealth for their loyalty to Charles the Second, 
were filled with amazement and indignation^ 
on finding its provifions adopted and confirm* 
^ on the reftoration of that monarqh. By the 
r^^lations of this a^ and the eftablifhment of 
the internal duty on their produce, of which I 
have fo largely fpoken, they thought themfelves 
treated with a rigour which bordered on in- 
gratitude, and they predided th6 decline of their 
population, agriculture and wealth, from the ef- 
fefts of thofe meafures. How fkr their predic- 
tions have been accompliflied, a comparative 
ftate of the ifland at different periods will de- 
monflrate ; with which, and a few mifcellaneous 
obfervations, I (hall difinifs my prefent account. 

Barbadoes is fituated in 13'' 10' N. lat. and 
in longitude 59** W. from London. It is about 
twenty-one mUes in length, and fourteen in 
breadth, and contains ioi5,47o acres of land, 
mofl of which is under cultivation. The foil 
in the low lands is black, fomewhat reddifh in 

Vol. I. Z th« 

• Blackftonc 


BOOK die ihallow parts; oa the lulls of a chalky mari; 
IIL and near the fca generally fandy. Of this 
variety of lbtl» the black mould is beft fnitoi 
£ir the cultivation of the cane^ and, with the 
aid of manure^ has^ given as goeat returns of 
fugar, in favourable feafons> as any in the 
Weft ladies, the prime lands of St. Kitts ex- 

L Ihat the ibiL of this ifland ia, to ^jp^ 
degree, naturally fiortile, we muft necefiaxily 
fdmit^ if we give credit to the acpoamts whkk 
wf6 tranfinitted down to us, of its ancient popa^ 
iaioan aixd opulence. We are afltrred thatj^ 
abont the year 1670, Barbadoes could boaft of 
jgfty thoufiuid white, and upwards of one hun^ 
drcdthoufand black inhalntants, whofe labours, 
it is faid, gave employment to fixty thoufand 
tons of ihipping ^. I fu^pcdt th^t this account is 


* Theeariieft planters of Barhadpfi "Were ibmedmes re« 
jjroafchcd with the guilt of forcing or decoying into flavcrj 
the Indians of the neighbouring continent. The Hiftory of 
fwi/e and Tarico^ which the Spectator has tecorided for the de* 
tieftatioii of mankind, took iu itSt 19 thislHaiML; bue happi^ 
this fpteiet of flav^ haa been long^ fi^ce abolifhed : and per* 
haps fuch of jnj readers as have iynipathized with the unfortu- 
nate Yarico, may not be lorry to hear that (he bore her mif- 
fcrtunes with greater phiiofophy than they have hitherto fan- 
cied. The dory was firit related by iAgtm^ who^ (after praif* 
iilgpoor Yarico's excellent completion, ¥^9h, be fays, was 
'* a bright bay/' and her ijnall breajfts *' jwdth nipples of 
" porphyrie") obferves, that " ftie chanc't afterwards to be 
•• with child by a Chrifllan lervant, and being very great, 
** walked down to a woode, in which was a pond of water, 
V and there, by the fide of the pond, brou^t heriielie a-bo^ 
'* and in three hours eame home with th^ ckilde in her arm^ 
" a luily boy, frolicke and lively." The crime of Inkle the 
merchant, however, admits of no palliation; but itisridicu- 
fous enough to hear Abb6 Raynal (willing to improve upon 
Addifon) afcribe to it an intended revolt of all Uie Negroes 
in Barbadoes, who, as he afierts, moved by indignation ^ 


WE^S^ in* lis. #319 

mucli esoiggerated* It cwmot how^Yvr 4k CffArP. 
4ioubted, tliat the bahabkants of M$ iflaod I* 
have decreased wirii a rapidity &idom lowiwiiitt-^*'^'"*'"^^ 
any other country. • I have aoW' befoxe »e 
attthmic ustunots of the niusibqr of ks whites in 
1724, and of its j&egsoes ki 1753: tie fornifr 
doonMed of iek) moce than eighbow thoufioid two 
hundred a&d ninety-£ve, the latter of ftrty- 
mBe thouland eight hundrod and feveitty, Jn 
1786 the nombers, were fixtcen thoufano one 
hundved atid fiifty^feven whites, eight huadwd 
.and thirty^cight free people of colouir, afid 
iixty^two dioo£Emd one hundited and €fteei\ Ae- 

It appears too th«t the ansutl prodnce^ttf this 
ifland (particniarly Xugar) haa dccreafod in a 
much girater proponicm tdbtftn in any othor ^f 
the Weft bidian codoaies. Poftlbthwaytse ftates 
the crop of (ugar, in 1736, at ^,769 hogdiei^s 
of 13 cwt. >\^di^hisequai to sp^^o of 15 cwt.; 
and the author of the Ewr^ean Scttkntents^ put>^ 
liihed in' 1 76 1, calculates thearerage crop at 
25,000 hog&eads. Aa the auhdr iSucft footed, 
'gives a preevfe mkflabar, it iapr^ableh^ ftate- 
ment was grounded on good aathority. %i ft>, 
the ifland has jidlen off meanly ot^ half iotl^e 
annual growth ^f its priacipsd ftapk* On on 
a<vterage of eight years (from 1 740 to 1 748) the 
'e:eports were 13^948 hogfbeads of £igar, I5ira(t. 
I2^i84 pnnch^ns of rum of 100 gallons^ €0 
hogflieada of anelafles^ 4,^7 bags of ginger, 600 
tegs of cpttOD, and 327 gonads of aloes. The 
Z z expQftjp, 

*Ii4(le'8 moaftrous erueky, vowed ydtk one accord the deftn«B- 
tion ci" aU jthe Whites ; but their plot was ditcovered the 

' night before it wat to hive tieen carried into cffeft. The 
mftohre PMlh/aphifife has a thoufand beauiiiea; bu^ it gricttct 

-aic to £17, diat in jocim df hiftorical accurafj,, k U ^ttaij/ 

ita a ^ev4 with the Hiftor/ of RMr^fon Crufoi* 


BOOK ezportf, on an average of 1784, 1785 and 1786, 
ni- had fallen to 9,554 hogiheads of fugar, 5,448 
^puncheons of rum, 6,320 bags of ginger, 8,331 
Dags of cotton ; ^ezclufive of Tome fmaller 
articles, as aloes, fweetmeats, &c. of which the 
quantities are not afcertained. 

That the dreadful fuccefiion of hurricanes, 
with which it lias pleafed the Almighty to 
viiit this^ and the other Weft Indian iflands, 
within the laft twelve years, has contributed 
to this great defalcation, cannot be doubted. 
The capital of this ifland was fcarce rifen from 
the aihes to^ which it had been reduced by 
two dreadful fires, when it was torn from its 
foundations, and the whole country made a fcene 
of defolation, by the ftorm of the loth of Odo- 
ber 1780, in which no lefs than four thoufand 
three hundred and twenty-fix of the inhabitants 
(blacks suad whites) milerably perifiied ; and 
the damage to the country was computed at 
£• 1,320,564. 15 Jt. fterling. 

It might have been prefumed, however, from 
the ^vourable feafons which have been expe- 
rienced fiDr the laft three or four years, that the 
profpe6l was at length beginning to brighten ; 
but although, fince the fiiilure of their fugar 
plantations, the inhabitants have found fome 
refource in the cultivation of couon, it does 
not feem probaUe, tliat any encouragement is 
capable of ever reftoring this ifland to its anci- 
ent fplendour and opulence; unlefs it be re- 
lieved from the heavy impofition of 4! per cnt. 
on their exported produce, of the origin of 
which I have fo largely treated. It is to be 
hoped, that an enlightened minifter will one day 
arife, who will have the courafi^e and virtue to 
fignify to the fovereign, that it is neither be^ 
coming the dignity, nor confiftent with the cha- 


WXST IN Dins. 34X 

nAer of the common fiither of all his fubje£l«> CHAP. 
to 'm&A on a tribute from a part of them, whicbi ^* 
though nominally granted by themfelves, was ' 
affiiredlv obtained by fraud and oppreffion, and 
of whicn the continuance is a check %q honeft 
induftry, and perhaps the immediate caufe of 
the decline of this beautiful and once valuable 

Barbadoes is divided into five diftridls, and 
eleven parifhes ;and contains four towns. Bridge* 
town, Oftins or Charles Town, St. James's (former* 
ly called The Hole) and Speight's Town. Bridge- 
town, the capital, before it was deftroyed by the 
fires of 1766, confifted of about fifteen hundred 
houfes, which were moftly built of brick; and 
it is (till the feat of government, and may be 
called the chief refidence of the governor, who 
is provided with a country villa called Pilgrims, 
fituated within. a mile of it: his falary was 
raifed by Qjieen Ann from twelve hundred to 
two thoufand pounds per annum, the whole 
of which is paid out of the exchequer, and 
charged to the account of the four and a half 
per cent. duty. The form of the government 
of this ifland fo verv nearly refembles that of 
Jamaica, which has already been defcribed, that 
It is unneceffary to enter into detail, except 
to obferve that the council is comjpofed of 
twelve members, and the aflembly of twentv* 
two. The moft important variation refpe&s tne 
court of chancery, which in Barbadoes is 
coniUtuted of the governor and council, whereas 
in Jamaica the governor is fole chancellor. 
On the other hand, in Barbadoes, the gover* 
nor fits in council, even when the latter are 
adding in a legiflative capacity. This^ in Ja- 
maica would be confidered improper and un- 



34^ HUtORY <yV THE 

BftOK ct«ftitutioftaL It may rife be obfcrvcd, tlwit 
the court© of grarnd feflions, eommen pfeas «aA 
exehe^er, in Barbadoes, are difttnft ' from 
each otb«*, and not, ai^ in JamRka, umtcd 
and bki^ed in <toe foprcme ecmvi of judica- 


* I ihal]' elofe my aecount of Bai^adees wilii 
the following; authjentic document : 



o t; < u 






S" 2 * I M 

. lAun f4 o d 


) I 




«a o o u 5 o 



HI rt f^ **» 1^ 

4 rn i^ 


Q a < fli W <i 



SOOK holf Utthmtntp in tlni moft foknn tniinner, tm 
^^^ aU the foldiers oa theix^mbarkadxm ; and again^ 

^rr^^^r^ 0n their landing, Du Parqwt> caufing a crofe to 
be ereded, compelled theioa to, kneei down be« 
foK iu ^Xid join in devout prajer to Almiglajr 
God, for fuccefs to their enterprise* 

This commander foems however to have had a 
fiew fcruples of coa&ience concerning the jiif« 
tice of his proceedings; for, having been re-^ 
ceived and entertained with the utmoft kindneft 
iUod. cordiality by the natives (contrary to his ex^ 
pe£lation, and perhaps to his wiiGies) he thought 
It necefiary to afiedl fome little regard to mode- 
ration, by pretending to open a treaty with the 
chief of the Charaibes for the purchafe of the 
country. He gave the natives (obferres Du Ter* 
tre)Jifne knives andhaiehetSy and a iarge quanti^ 
ty qf glafs head^^ befidts two bottles of brandy for 
ihe chief himjeif\ and thus (continuto he) was 
the iiland Biirly ceded to the French nation by 
the natives tbanfelves in lawfulr purchafe! Ku 
ter this notable tcanfaftion, it is not wonderful 
that the French &ould confider the refufal of 
the poor favages to confirm the agreement, as 
contumacy and rebellion. 

Du Parquet, having thus eftabliihed a colony 
in Grenada, and built a fort for its proteflion, 
left the government of the iiland to a kinfman, 
named Le Comnte, a man, according to Du Ter«^ 
tre, who pofieUed very lingular talents for go- 
vernment; and was remarkable for clemency and 
humanity. We find this gentleman however, 
eight months afterwards, engaged in a moil 
bloody war with the Charaibes; in the profecu- 
tion of which he authorized fuch a£is of cruel- 
ty as furnifh a portrait of him very different 
from that which the hifjorian has exhibited. 
Oa receiving news of the revolt of the natives, 


WIST' in D lis 347 

Da Pacqoei iaat t idiilaraBiiicnt of thi«eCHAP. 
hundred ooen from Martinico, with, orders to ^^- 
exdrpaiie the utives ahx)gether; but Le Ck>iDpte ' 
fecms not to have wamtcd aay inciicxnetu to 
a£ls of barbarity f fbrDttXcrtre admits that he 
had already proceeded to inarder^ without mer- 
cy^ every Charaibe that fell into his hands; not 
fpatinf eveu the women and chUdx en. 

. Of the manner in which this humane and ac^ 
compliibed commander, and his civilized fdl^ 
lowers, condnded hoftilities againft tbefe mife-^ 
raUe people, we may finrm an idea, from a cir- 
cumftance that occurred in One of their expe^ 
ditiona^ of which the rev^erend hiftoriati con- 
cludes his narrative as follows.: '^ Fony of the 
Charaibes were maflacred <» the fpot. About 
forty others, who had efcaped the fword, ran to- 
wards a preelpice, from whence they csdd them- 
felves headlong into the fea, and miferably pe**' 
riihed» A beautiful young girl of twelve or thir-^ 
teen years of age, who was tsken alive, beeame 
the ob^eA of difpute between two of our of^ 
£cers, each of them dahning her as hia lawful 
prize; a third eoming up, put an end t^ the con-^ 
teft, by fhooting the girl through the head. Th« 
place from whi^b thefe barbarians threw thern^ 
felves into to the fea, has been called ever fince 
le Mome des Sauteurs. * Our people (having 
loft but one man in the eirpedrtion) proceeded in 
the nen place to fet fire to the cottages, and 
root up the provifions of the favages, and, hav<^ 
ing deftroyed, or taken away, every thing be- 
longmg to them, niurmd in high fp^r its ^^ {bien 

By a feries of foch enormities^ the whole race 
of Charaibes thstpoflefTed Grenada in 1650, was 


* Leapers HilL 


BOOK fpeedily extcrmmated, md the Freachj having 
III. ia this manner butchered all the natives^ proceeds 

Vi^nrV ed, in the next place, to oiafTacre each other. 

Thie particulars of this civil conteft may, with- 
out injury to my readers, be omitted. I fhall 
therefore only oblerve, that the fupreme authori* 
ty of Du Parquet and Jiis lieutelunt, was at 
length eftablifhed in Grenada; but the expence 
which had attended the plantation from its outfet, 
and the maintenance of the force which Du Par* 
quet had been compelled to fumi£h in fupport of 
his authority, had fo greatly injured his fortune, 
as to induce him to look out for a purchafer of all 
his rights and poiTelfions in this illand and its de- 
pendencies, in 1656 fuch a purchafer offered in 
the Count de Cerillac, to whom the whole was 
conveyed for 30,000 crowns. 

Thecondu^ of Cerillac towards the inhabi- 
tants of his newly acquired domiatou was highly 
injudicious and oppreffive. He appointed a go- 
vernor of fo arrogant and rapacious a difpofition, 
and fupported him in his extortions with fuch 
obfVinacy, as to compel the moft refpeSable of 
the fettlers to quit the country and feek for fafe- 
ty under a milder government. At length the 
people that remained took the adminiftration of 
juftice into their own hands ; by feizing on the 
pcrfon of the governor, and bringing him to a 
public trial. The criminal was condemned to be 
hanged ; but he pleaded noble birth, and de- 
manded the honour of decollation. His requeft 
would have been granted, but unluckily an ex- 
pert executioner in the ^uiinefs of beheading 
could not readily be found ; the juc^es therefore 
compounded the matter with his excellency, by 
confenting that he fhould be (hot, and he fuffered 
in that mode with great compofure. 




Some yean after this, Monfieur de Cerfllac, CHAP, 
the proprietor^ receiving, as it may be fuppofed, II- 
but little piofitfrom his capital, conveyed all his ^ 
rights and intereft in Grenada, &c. to the French 
Weft-Indian company ; whofe charter being abo- 
lifhed in 1674, the ifland from thencefona^ard be^* 
came vefted in the crown of France. 

Under the various revolutions and calamities 
which had thus attended this unfortunate planta- 
tion, it may well be imagined that cultivation had 
made but little progrefs in it ; but although order 
and fubmiflion were at length introduced by the 
eftablifhment of the royal authority, various cauf- 
es concurred to keep the colony m a ftate of po- 
verty and depreflion for many years afterwards. 
Even fo late as 1700, if Raynal has been rightly 
informed, the ifland contained no more than 251 
whites and 525 blacks; who w^re employed on 3 
plantations of fugar, and 52 of indigo. 

After the peace of Utredit, the government of 
France began to turn its attention towards her 
Weft Iiidian pofTeifions. Grenada however, for 
many years, partook Icfs of its care than the reft. 
It had no conftant correfpondence with the mo^ 
ther country: fome oppreflive regulations of the 
farmers-general ruined the cultivation of one of 
its iUples, tobacco : and the planters had not the 
means of obuining a fupply of negroes from 
A&ica, fuflicient for the purpofe of cultivating 
fugar to any extent. Thefe inconveniencies led 
them into a fnmsgling intercourfe with the Dutch : 
a refource whicn at length changed their circum- 
flances for the better ; encreafi^ their numbers 
and occafioned a great part of the country to be 
fettled, infinmich that when, in the year 1762, 
the fortune of war made the Englifh mafters of 
this and the reft of the French Charaibee Iflands, 
Grenada and the Grenadines are faid to haf'e 



BOOK fpeedtly exterminated, and the Frenchj having 
III. in this manner butchered all the natives, proceed- 

^•^ir^ ed, in the next place> to mafTacre each other. 

The particulars of this civil conteft may, with** 
out injury to m)^ readers, be omitted. I ftiall 
therefore only obferve, that the fupreme authori- 
ty of Du Parquet and Jiis lieutenant, was at 
length eftabliihed in Grenada; but the expence 
which had attended the plantation from its oncfet, 
and the maintenance oi the force which Du Par* 
quet had been compelled to fumifh in fupport of 
his authority, had fo greatly injured bis fortune, 
^s to induce him to look out for a purchafer of all 
his rights and polTeflions in this ifland and its de- 
pendencies. In 1656 fuch a purchafer offered in 
the Ck>unt de Cerillac, to whom the whole was 
conveyed for 30,000 qt>wns. 

TheconduS of Cerillac towards the inhabi- 
tants of his newly acquired dominion was highly 
injudicious and opprefiive. He appointed a go- 
vernor of fo arrogant and rapacious a difpofition, 
and fupported him in his extortions with fuch 
obftinacy, as to compel the mod refpeftable of 
the fettlers to quit the country and feek for fafe^ 
ty under a milder government. At lex^h the 
people that remained took the adminiftration of 
juftice into their own hands ; by feising on the 
perfon of the governor, and bringing him to a 
public trial. The criminal was condemned to be 
hanged ; but he pleaded noble birth, and de- 
manded the honour of decollation. His requeft 
would have been granted, but unluckily an ex- 
pert executioner in the |>uiinefs of beheading 
could not readily be found ; the judges therefore 
compounded the matter with his excellency, by 
confenting that he ihould be ftiot, and he fuftered 
in that mode with great compofure. 



Some years after this, Monfieur de Cerillac, CHAP, 
the proprietor, receiving, as it may be fuppofed, ,?^;^ 
but little Dfofit from his capital, conveyed all his 
rights and intereft in Grenada, &c. to the French 
Weft-Indian cbrtipany ; whofe charter being abo- 
lifhed in 1674, ^^^ ifland from thenceforv^'ard bei» 
came vefted in the crown of France. 

Under the various revolutions and calamities 
which had thus attended this unfortunate planta- 
tion, it may well be imagined that cultivation had 
made but little progrefs in it ; but although order 
and fubmi0ion were at length introduced by the 
eftablifhment of the royal authoritv, various cauf- 
es concurred to keep the colony m a ftate of po- 
verty and depreflion for many rears afterwards. 
Even fo late as 1700, if Raynal has been rightly 
informed, the ifland contained no more than 251 
whites and 525 blacks ; \i4xo w^re employed on 3 
planutiontoffugar, and 5a of indigo. 

After the peace of Utrcdht, the government of 
France bq^an to turn ita attention towards her 
Weft Indian poffeffions. Grenada however, for 
many years, partook lefs of its care than the reft. 
It had no conftant correfpondence with the nio^ 
ther country: fome oppreflive regulations of the 
farmers-general ruinra the cultivation of one of 
itsftaples, tobacco: and the planters had not the 
means of obtaining a fiipply of negroes from 
A&ica, fufiicient for the purpofe of cultivating 
fugar to any extent. Thefe inconveniencies led 
them into a fnmRgling intercourfe with the Dutch : 
a refource which at length changed their circum- 
flances for the better ; encreafed their numbers 
and occafioned a great pan of the country to be 
fettled, infcnuuch that when, in the year 1762, 
the fortune of war made the Englifti mafters of 
this and the reft of the French Charaibee lilands, 
Grenada and the Grenadines are faid to hare 


ISO . H I S T © » y O F T H E 

B O CHC yielded annually, ia clayod md iwfcovado fu- 
gar, a quaatity e^jual to about i r^ooo Jiogfteads 
of mnfcovado of 15 cwt. cadi, aod aboM 27,000 
Iba. of indigo. 
Grenada furren^tiered on capituiatMn in Febni- 

-try 1762, and« with its dependenciefii, wiaa ftoally 
ceded to Great Britain hy the disfinitive treaty «f 
peace at Paris on the loth of Februairy 1763 ; 
8t. Lncia being reftored at the fame time to 
France. The diief ftipulations in &vQur of the 
inhabitants, aa weU by the treaty, as by the and- 

dLes of capitulation^ were tfaele; ift. That, as 
they MTOuld become by their furrender, fub|e6U 
pf Great Britain, thev fhonld enjoy their proper- 
ties and privilegea, and pay taxes, in tike numner 
JOS therefi tfhis Majefiyj ftd^effs 9/ tie otier Bri» 
tiftf Leemard Ijlnnds. adly, with ndfpe^l to refi- 
gion, they were pm nn the ikmefooting at the in- 
habitants of Canacb, viz. liberty was given them 
to exerei£e it according to the rkes of the Romiih 
chusch, as far as the iaws qfGrtat Britmn femrit- 
ted. sdly. Sudi of the inhabitants of Graiada 
as chofe to quit the ifland^ fhauM ha^e liberty fo 
CO do, and ei^neea immtiis ihoadd' hti. alkraicd 
them tao difpofe of thdr effefls. ' . 

Tbe iiland and itsdepeoubnciesfaeiggc thus be- 
€Ovx a Britifli colony, one of th]6 fir^l imeafures 
of government waa to; iflfue 9 prodaiaiatiDn iHOMkr 

^tfae^reat feal, bej^ng jdatr tlve 7th of O&dber 
"^l^oj <whemn, amoogfi other thkxgfi, it is de- 
clared '^that allperibnainhalntiagin, orre&Mt- 
^* ingto, die ifiand of Grenada, might cooafide in 
'^ the royal pioiedion for the emjoyment of the 
'^ tenefit of the laws of England, with the ri^t 
^' of appeal to the kisig in coundU u luUy as the 
^^ inhai^ants of the otheor Britifli Coioniea m 
^^ America under the king's inunodiate govern- 
*^ meat-'*— It alfo fets forth, " that the img, by 

" letters 



** letters patent under tlie great £eal, had girea CHAP^ 

^ expreik power aad dire&iaa to the govempr, as IL 

'^ fooxk jas the ftate and drcumftancea of the goIq^ 

f< ny would aidioit thereoi^ with the advice and 

^' CQufent of the council^ and the ireprefentativef 

^^ of th&people^itamake, conftitute, andoidaui 

^ laws, Itatutes, and ordinances £br the good>go«» 

«< vemment thereof, as near as may be j^reeahly 

^' to the laws otf England and under fuck icgula** 

'' tiona and rcfliriftions as are ufed in the other 

« Bor^til^ colonies." . 

This pxDcbunation was followed by another, 
dated the 26th of March 1764, inviting purcha^ 
fers upon certain terms and conditions. 

The governor thus (aid to have been appoioteci 
was general Melville, whofq cammiffion however 
did not bear date until the 9th of April l^64, 
and the aflembly which he was direded to fum^ 
mon, met for the fiift time ia 1765 ; previous to 
which, the Biitifh inhabitants were inefiftibly 
called to the difcuflion of a great eanftitmtional 
qneflion ; of which it is proper I ihould now give 

Th^ queAion arofe ; from the information, that 
th^ crawi:!, conceiving itfelf entitled by the terms 
of the capitulaticm to the dutv of 4I per cent, upon 
all produce exported from tne newly ceded if- 
kuuds, as pakl at fiarbadoes, &c. had iiTued let«- 
lera patent, bearing date the aoth July 1764, orw 
dseringanddife&ing, by virtue of the prerogative 
royal, that from and after the a9th of September^ 
then next eniuing, fuch duty or import in fpecie^ 
ihouki be levied in Grenada ; in lieu of alt cuf- 
torai and duties formerly paid to the French 

We have feen, in the hiftory of Barbadoes, in 
what manner the inhabitants of that iiland be^ 
came fulyed to the duty inqucfiion; and to what 



BOOK purpofes the money was exprelsly ftipulated to 
. in. be applied ; but, imjuftifiable as were the means 
' by which that impofition was originally eftabliih- 
ed iu Barbadoes, the grant was, apparently, the 
grant of the people themfelves, by their repre- 
fentatives in their legiflative . capacity. Even 
Charles the II. in whofe reign the grant pafled, 
though a rapacious and unprincipled monarch, 
did not openly claim the right o^ laying taxes by 
his own authority in a colony whicn had an af- 
fembly of its own, competent to that purpofe. 
The king was ready enough to overawe, or to 
corrupt the members which compofed that af&{)i- 
bly ; but he left them the form and femblance at 
leaft, of a free government. 

In defence of the pre&nt meafure, it was urg- 
ed that Grenada being a conquered country^ the 
king was invefted with the power of putting the 
inhabitants under what form of government he 
thought beft ; that he might have granted them 
what terms of capitulation, and have concluded 
what articles of peace with them he faw fit ; and 
further, that the aflurance to the inhabitants of 
Grenada, in the articles of capitulation, that 
they fhould enjoy their properties and privileges 
in like manner as the other his Majefty's fubjd^ 
in the Britiih Leeward Iflands, necdliEurily in>* 
plied that they were bound to fubmi^to the fame 
confequences of their being fubje&s ^s were fub- 
mitted to by the inhabitants of thofe iflands; 
one of which was the payment of the duty in 
queftion. It was faid therefore that xhe demand 
of this duty was mod reafonable, equitable and 
political ; for that it was only putting Grenada, 
as to duties, on the fame footing with all the Bri- 
tiih Leeward lilands. If Grenada paid more, it 
would be detrimental to her, if lefs, it would be 
detrimcaul to the other LeewardJflands. 


W E S T I N D I E S. 353 

On the other fide, it was contended, that the dH APr . 
letters patent were void on two points, the firft ^ JTI^ 
was " that although they had been granted be- ' 
fore the proclamation of the 7thof Oftober 1763, 
yet the king could not exercife fuch a legiflative 
power over a conquered country." — ^The fecond 
point was, " that although the king had fuffici- 
ent power and authority, before the 7th of Ofto- 
ber 1 763, to do fuch a legiflative aft, he had di- 
vefted himfelf of fuch authority previous to the 
letters patent of the 20th of July 1764." 

The crown however perfifting in its claim, and 
the inhabitants in oppofing it, ifTue was joined 
on the arguments that I have ftated, and the 
(jueftion was at length referred to a folemn ad- 
judication before the judges of the Court of 
King's Bench in England *. 

The cafe was elaborately argued in Weftmin- 
fter-hall, fourfeveral times; and in Michaelmas 
term 1774, Lord chief juftice Mansfield pro- 
nounced judgment, againjl the crown. The con- 
fequence was, that the duty in queftion was abo- 
Irfhed, not only in Grenada,' but alfo in the ced- 
ed iflands of Dominica, St. Vincfcnt, and To- 

It may be reafonably fuppofed that the inhabi- 
tants of all thefe iflands had fufficient caufe for 
exultation at a verdifl fo favourable to their in- 
terefts; but the circumftances on which the de- 
cifion was founded, and the doftrines which 
were promulgated along with it, became the fubf 
jeft of much animadverfion ; and indeed (if I may 
obtrude my own opinion in fuch a cafe) they 
appear to me to be of a dangerous and unconfti-* 
tutional tendency. 

Vol. I. A a The 

♦ The cafe is related at large in Cowper*i Reportij 


BOOK, The noble and venerable judge who pro- 
Ul- nonnced the opinion of the Court, refted the 
determination lolely on the circumftance that 
the proclamations of Odober 1 763, and March 
1764^ were of prior date to the letters .patent; 
obferving that the king had precluded himfelf 
from the excrcife of Icgiflative authority over 
Grenada, before the letters patent were iflfued* 
" Through inattention, he faid, of the king's 
fervantSj in inverting the order in which the in- 
ftruinents fhould have pafTed, the laft a£l was 
contradiftory to, and a violation of the firft, and 
on thai account null and void." But, although 
the noble lord confined the mere legal queftion 
to a narrow compafs^ he judged it neceuary, at 
the fame time, to enter on a wide and exten^ve 
Jfield of difcuffion in fupport of the regal autho* 
rity over cotiquered countries; maintaining 
" that it is left to the king to grant or refufe a 
c^itulation; — ^if he refufes, and puts the inha- 
bitants to the fwordy or otherwife exterminates 
theniy all the lands belong to himfelt If he re- 
ceives the inhabitants under his proteAion, and 
grants them their property, he has a power 
to fix fuch terms and condititms as he thinks pro^ 
per. He may (faid the noble judge) yield up the 
conqueft, or retain it, on what terms htpUafis^ 
and change part, or the whole, of the kw, or 
political form of its government, as he fees befiJ^ 
In reply to an obfervation, that no adjudged 
cafe, in point, had been adduced, the noble lord 
declared that this was not to bte wondered at, 
" inafmuch as no queftion was ever ftarted be- 
fore, but that the king has a right to a legiflativt 
authority ovtx a conquered country ;'* and he quot- 
ed an opinion of the crown lawyers in 17^2, in 
fefpeft of Jamaica. The aflembly of that ifland 
being refraAory, it was referrea to Sir Philip 


W £ S T I N D I £ 8. ^$ 

y orke and Sir Clement Wcarge to know " what C H A P* 
could be done if the affembly Ihould gbftinately ^• 
continue to withhold all the ufual fupplies. ^!«=>^"^^ 
They reported, that " if Jamaica wap ftiU to be 
conhdered as ^conquered i/Iand, the king had a 
right to levy taxes upon the inhabitants; but if 
it was to be confidered in the fame light as Mir 
vther colonies, no ta^ could be impgfed on the ill- 
habitants, but by an ajjembly qJ the ijland, or by 
^n a£l of parliament. ^^ 

It is impoffible, I think, not to perceive, 
throughout thefe, and other parts of the leani« 
ed judge's ai^ipent, a certain degree of bias 
arifing from the unhappy diiTentions which, 
about that period, broke out into a civil war 
between Great Britain and her colonies ; in the 
progrefs of which, it is believed, this noble per- 
Ibn diflinguifiied himfelf as an ^^tive partizan, 
and a powerful advocate ^or the unconditional 
fupremacy of the mother country. I m^ht 
otherwife be chargeable with great arrogance in 
prefuuiiiig to cligey /rom fuch weight of authori- 
ty ; but furely it will be permitted me to examine 
the dodlrine maintained on this occafion,'by the 
teft of ;hofe c?fes, which the xioble judge himfelf 
adduced in its fupport. In fuch an examination, 
pjain argumem and common fenfe may fupply 
^he fubtieties of legal refinement, and the want 
of profefiional learning. 

The cafes chiefly relied on by the learned 
judge, were thofe of Ireland, W ales, Befwicl; 
and New York ; in all which places it was af- 
ferted that the king, after their conqueft, had, of 
his own authority, exercifed the powers of le» 
giflature, by introducing an alteration of their 
^rmer laws, and eflabliihing a new fyftem of 
government over the inhabitants. '^ No man 
(obferved his lordfhip, in the cafe of Ireland,) 
ever faid that the change in thi^ laws of that coun- 

A a 2 V5^ ^ 

iS6 HI ST O R Y O F T H E 

BOOK try was made by the parliament of England : no 
in. man ever faid the crown could not do it." 

With the utmoft deference however to the fen- 
fiments of this great and' enlightened lawyer, I 
prefnme to think that the queftion was not fin:- 
p]y, Whether the crown alone, or the parlia- 
ment of England, had the right of exercifing 
the authority contended for?— I will even admit 
that the interpofition of parliament was unnecef- 
fary. Still however the main queftion remains 
to be anfwered, which is. To what extent may 
the royal prerogative in fuck cafes be exerted? Did 
the noble judge mean to affert that conqueft de* 
ftroys all the rights of the conquered, and that 
the king, in changing their laws and form of go- 
vernment, has a right to prefer ibe to them, not 
merely the Eriglifthconjlitution^' — ^but any other 
(yftem, ha^ thinks beft ? If fuch was the opinion. 
It may be affirmed that ^he cafes which his lord- 
ftiip adduced in fuppoit of his argument, war- 
rant no fucb coticlufion. 

Thefirft cafe was that of Ireland. "Thefaft, 
fays the noble lord, comes out clearly to be, that 
Ireland feceivecTthe laws of England by Ae char- 
ters and-commands of Henry II. King John and 
Henry 111." 

Of Wales, the noble lord obferves " that the 
ftatute of Wales (12 Edward I.) is certainly no 
more than regulations mside by the king in his 
$ounciJ for the government of Wales, and that 
the king governed it as a conqueft \^* but let us 
hear on ' this fubjeft the learned judge Black- 
ftone. " This territory, obferves Blackftone, 
being then entirely re-annexed (by a kind of feo- 
dal refumption) tathe dominion of the crown of 
England, or, as the ftatute of Rutland expreflfes 
k, terra If alliae cum incolis fuisj prius regi jure 
foodali fubjeffa^ (of which homage was the fien) 



jam in proprietatis dominium totaliter ei cum inte- CHAP. 
grit ate converfa eji^ et coronae regni Angliae- tan- li- 
quam pars corporis ejujdem annexa et unita. But ^"^^""^ 
ahc finiftiing ftroke to their independency, was 
given by the ftatute 27 Henry VIII. c. 26. which 
at the fame time gave the utmoft advancement to 
their civil profperity, by admitting them to a 
thorough communication of luws with the fuhjedis 
of England. Thus were this brave people gra- 
dually conquered into the enjoyineht of true li- 
berty; being infenfibly put upon the fame footings 
and made fellow citizens with their conquerors ^ 

Another cafe was that of Berwick, which, ob- 
ferved the noble lord, " after the conqueft of it, 
.was governed bv chafers from the crown, with- 
out the interpoution of parliament, till the reign 
of James I/* The noble judge would have 
dated this cafe more fairly, had he faid that 
.Edward I. at the requefi of the inhabitants^ con- 
firmed to them the eiyoyment of their ancient 
laws ; but that " its conftitution was put on an 
Englijh footing J by a charter of king James.'* 
Thefe are the very words of Blackftone. 

The cafe next quoted by the learned judge was 
that of New York, which was conquered from 
the Dutch in 1664, and, like Wales, remained 
in pofleffion of moft of its former inhabitants. 
" King Charles II. (obferves the noble judge) 
. changed the form of their conftitution and poli- 
tical government ; by granting it to the duke of 
Yorkj to hold of hi* crown under all the regula- 
tions contained m the letters patent.'^ — So far is 
true; but what followed? This duke of York 
.(afterwards James II,) was a man whofc princi- 
ples of government were in the higheft tlegree re- 
pugnant and inimical to thofe of the iinglifti 
conftitution. Accordingly he attempted at firft 
to introduce into the newly acquired country, 

a fyftem 


BOOK a fyftem little confonant to Britilh freedom ; but 
^1^' he was difappointed and defeated. He was com- 
' pelled, much againft his inclination, to allow the 
people to choofe deputies to reprefent them in 
the legiflature; and thele deputies aftually voted 
" that all the ordinances which had been made 
by the governor and council, before the people 
were admitted to a fhare in the legiflature, were 
invalid, becaufe they Hierepajfed in a manner re- 
pugnant to the amjtitution of England!'* 

From this recital, it is I think evident that the 
noble and learned judge miftook ihegiji of the 
queftion; or rather confounded together two 
things which are totally diftinft and repugnant 
in their nature; for he appears to have confider- 
ed the prerogative in the king, of extending to 
Jiis newly acfuired fubjeds, the benefits of the 
Englijh conjiitution, as equivalent to the right of 
lulmg them by whatever conftitutio/i or fyftem 
of government he pleafes; or, by none at nlL 

h, would feem tnen that, if the cafes which 
have been adduced prove any thing, they prove 
that the crown neither has prefcribed, nor could 
prefcribe, any form of government incompatible 
with the principles of the Britilh conftitution, to 
any colony or territory whatever^ whether aKi- 
Guired by conqueft or fettlement ;-»-aTid good au- 
tnorities are not wanting in fupport of this doc 
jrine. " The king of Great Britain (fays an ex- 
cellent writer *) although at the head of a free 
ftate, may, in his own right, hold other ftates, 
under a form of government that is not free; as 
he does, for inftance, the ftates of the elediorate 
4)f Hanover. He may too even as king of Great 
Britain, by virtue of his prerogative and a6 ge- 
neraliflimo of the empire, hold a conquered 


♦ Mr. EftwicL 


(fcitc(fiH' the time being) under a form of go- CHAP* 
vemment that is not free ; that is, under military ^I- 
law : but, in the inftant that fuch conquered ftate '^ 
is, by treaty of peace, or otherwife, ceded to 
the crown of Great Briuin, in that inftant it im* 
bibes the fpirit of the conftitution, it is natura- 
lized; it is aflimilated to the government, it is 
governable and to be governed by, and under all 
thofe powers with which the governing power of 
king, lords and commons is invefted by the con^ 
ftitution ; but it is not governable, neither is to 
be governed, by anv powers which the govern- 
inepower of king, lords and commons does not 
poflefs from the conftitution : as. for example, it 
cannot be governed on the principles of flavery; 
becaufe the governing power of king, lords and 
commons is appointed by the conftitution to go-^ 
vem on the principles of liberty/' Surely it is 
a propofition abfurd and monftrous -on the very 
fate of It, to fay that a limited monarch, in a 
free ftate, may govern any part of the dominions 
of fuch a ftate in an aroitrary and tyrannical 
manner. A body of fubjeits fo governed, would, 
if fufficiently numerous, be fit inftruments to 
enflave the reft ! 

The intelligent reader will admit the vaft imfi 
portanceof this queftion, both to the prefent ag^ 
and to pofterity ; and perceive how greatly^h^ 
deareft interefts of men, who, in the contingen- 
cies of war, ftiall hereafter fall under the Britiflt 
dominion, may poUibly be concerned in its dif* 
cuftion. To fuch reaaers ho apology will be n^- 
ceflary for the detail which I have thought it mf 
duty to give on a fubjeft of fuch conftitutioaal 
magnitude. — • — 1 noti^ return to tranfaftions^ wit^* 
rii^ colony. -^ . .. : . - _ . : : ; 

It has4>cenftat«d that the firft aflTembly: met i/i' 
1765. At that^time none ef the^Rrench Roman 


S6s H I S T O R Y O F T H E 

BOOR ^^d High Admiral. A law thus founded and . 
III. fupported, inftead of being confidered as fuited 
* to the circumftances of a new and infant colony, 
ought, it was faid, to be expunged from the' 
Englifli {latut« book. 

What influence thefe, or other confiderationa; 
had on the Britifh Miniftry, I prefume not to 
fay. It is certain that the king refeifed to re- 
voke his inftruAions; in confequcnce whereof 
the moft zealous . of the proteftant members of 
the afiembly declining to attend, it was fel- 
dom that a houfe could be formed. Public 
affairs foon fell into the utmoft confufion, and 
in this ftate of fa&ion and perplexity, the ifland 
continued, until its re-capture by the French in 

On this occafion, charges were brought againft 
the French inhabitants which I will not repeat, 
becaufe I have no other evidence to fupport 
them than the mutual reproaches, and reciprocal 
accufations of the parties. The complaints m- 
deed which were loudly made on the part of the 
French, of an ufurpation of their dcareft r^hts 
by the prevailing iaiftion, feemed to inmly that 
they relied rather on juftification than Denial. 

The French miniftry however required no 
other encouragement for atucking this ifland, 
than the defencelefs ftate in which all the Bri- 
tifti fettlements in the Weft Indies were at that 
junAure notorioufly left. The hopelefs and de- 
ftrudive war in North America had drawn to its 
vortex all the powers, refources, and exertions 
of Great Britain. Already had Domii^ica and 
St. Vincent become a facrifice to that unfortu- 
nate contcft ; when it fell to the lot of Grenada 
to experience her- Ihare of the generar misfor- 
tune. . 



On the 2d of July 1779, a French armament, CHAP, 
tonfifting of a fleet of 2^ ftiips of the line, 10 II. 
frigates, and 5000 troops, under the comnland ' 
of the Count D'Eftalng, appeared off the har- 
bour and town of St. George : the whole force ^ 
of the ifland was compofed of 90. men of the 
48th regiment, 300 militia of the ifland, and 150 
feamen from the merchant ihips ; and its for- 
tifications confifted chiefly of an entrenchment 
which had been haftiiy thrown up, round the 
fummit of the Hofpltal hill. This entrench- 
ment the Count D'Eftaing invefted the next 
day, at the head of 3,000 of his beft forces, 
which he led up in three columns, and after a 
hard conflift and the lofs of 300 men carried 
the lines. . Never did fo fmall a body of men 
tnake a nobler defence againft fuch inequality 
of numbers. The governor (Lord Macartney) 
and the remains of his little garrifon, immedi- 
ately retired into the old fort, at the mouth of 
the harbour ; which however was wholly unte- 
nable, being commanded by the Hofpital-hill 
battery, the guns of which having been moft 
unfortunately left unfpiked, were now turned 
againft them. At day-break, the French opened 
a battery of two twenty-four pounders againft 
the walls of the old fort. In this fituation, the 
governor and inhabitants had no refource but 
in the hopes of obtaining favourable terms of 
capitulation ; and herein they were difappoint- 
ed. Their propofals were fcornfully rejefted, 
and fuch hard and extraordinary terms oflered 
and infifted on by Count d'Eftaing, as left them 
no alternative but the facrifice of their honour, 
or an unconditional furrender. They embraced 
the latter ; and it muft be acknowledged that 
the proteftion which was offered to the help- 
Icfs inhabitauto of the town, and their property, 


364 H I S T O R Y O r T H E 

BOOK not only while the treaty was depending, but alfo 
III. after the furrender of the ifland at difcretion, 
reflefted the higheft luftre on the difcipline, as 
well as humanity of the conquerors. Protec- 
tion and fafe-guards were granted on every ap- 
plication, and thus a town was faved from plun- 
der, which by the ftrift rules of war, might have 
been given up to an exalperated foldiery. 

Jt is to be lamented that the fubfequent con- 
du6l of the French government of Grenada, to- 
wards its new fubjefts, was not quite fo gene- 
rous. By an ordinance of the Count de Durat, 
the new governor, they were enjoined, under 
the penalty of military execution and confifca- 
tion of property, from the payment, direftly or 
indireftly, of all debts due by them to Bntifti 
fubjefts, refiding in any part of the Britifti do- 
minions ; and by another ordinance, the prohi- 
bition was extended to fuch debts owing to the 
fubjefts of the united provinces of Holland, as 
were guaranteed by any of the fubjefts of Great 
Britain. The Count D'Eftaing had inferted 
claufes to the fame effeft, in the form of capi- 
tulation which he had tendered to the garrifon, 
and it w^as thofe prohibitions that induced the 
Britifh inhabitants, with an honeft indignation, 
to rifque the confequence of an unconditional 
furrender, rather than fubmit to them. With 
the virtue and integrity that it is to be hoped 
will for ever diftinguifh the Britifh charader, 
they confidered no facrifice fo great as the vi- 
olation of that confidence, which had been re- 
pofed in them bv their friends and creditors in 
Europe. But tne ordinances went ftill further. 
By the regulations which they contained, it was 
enafted that all the eftates belonging to Englifh 
abfentees, fhould be put into the hands of cer- 
tain perfons. to be nominated by the governor, 



called confervaiors ; and the produce be paid CHAP, 
into the public treafury. Thus was plunder ^^• 
fanftioned by authority ; and the abfent propri- ' 
etors were not the only yiftims. The fhameful 
facility with which every French claimant was 
put into poffeflion of eftates, to which the 
flighted pretenfion was fet up, gave the refi- 
dent planters reafon to apprehend, that the only 
indulgence they were to expedl/ was that which 
Poliphemus promifed Ulyfles, of being devoured 

Moft of thefe injurious proceed[ings, and va- 
rious a6ls of perfonal oppreflion, inflifted on 
the conquered inhabitants of Grenada, were, 
by them, imputed to the too great influence 
with the governor of their late fellow fubjeAs 
and neighbours, the French planters ; and it is 
much eafier to account for, than to juftify their 
conduft. ' Let it be remembered however, tothe 
honour of the French nation, that thefe nefa- 
rious proceedings were no fooner made known 
to the court of France, than they were difap- 
proved and reprobated. The appointment of 
confervators was abolifhed, and reftoration or- 
dered to be made of the eftates of abfent pro- 
prietors. Redrefs was likewife very generally 
giveh, by appeals in the laft refort, to fuch of 
the refident planters as had been illegally de- 
prived of their poffeffions. But it was not long, 
before the ifland itfelf reverted to the Britifh 

Grenada and the Grenadines were reftored 
to Great Britain, with all the other captured if- 
lands in the Weft Indies (Tobago excepted) by 
the general pacification which took place in Ja-^ 
0uary 1 783 ; a pacification upon which, what- 
ever may. be its general merits, it is impoffible 
but that the Englifti fugar planters (except per- 


BOOK Tiaps thofe of the ceded ifland) muft rcfleft with 
III- grateful fatisfa^ioa. It might indeed have been 
wiflied, by thofe who have at heart the prefent 
repofe and future profperity of mankind, that 
fome falutary regulations h^d been framed, at 
the fame time, for preventing the revival of thofe 
uiUiappy national animoiities among the white 
inhabitants of Grenada, of which I have fo large- 
ly fpoken, and which, I am forry to be inform- 
ed, were renewed on the reftoration of the if* 
land with additional force and aggravated vio« 
lence. It is not my intention however to enter 
into any further detail on the fubjeft. As a friend 
to the interefts of humanity, independent of je- 
ligious opinions, and locality of birth, I fhall 
rejoice if means can be found to reflore to this 
little community that peace, confidence and una* 
nimity, without which its inhabitants muft be 
.a mined people, and a prey to the firft inva- 

Having thus, as I conceive, fuflSciently treated 
of the hiftorical and political concerns of this 
valuable colony, I (hall conclude with a ftiort 
difplay of its prefent ftate, in refpeft of foil, 
population, produftions and exports, premifing 
that many of thofe little iflands which are qiUed 
the Grenadines, no longer appertain to the go- 
vernment of Grenada. By an arrangement of 
the Britifh adminifiratiou, which has taken ef- 
fe£l fince the peace, a line of divifion paffes in 
an eaft and weft diredion, between Cariacou 
and Union ifland. The former of thefe, and 
fome fmaller iflands fouth of it, are all that zxp 
now comprifed in the Grenada government ; 
Union Ifland, with all the little ifl^ds adjoin^ 
ing/ to the north, being annexed to the govern- 
ment of St. Vincent. 



W E S T I N D I E S. 367 

Grenada contains about 80,000 acres of land; CHAP, 
of which although no lefs than 72,141 acres II. 
paid taxes in 1776, and may therefore be fup- 
pofed fit for cultivation, yet the quantity ac- 
tually cultivated has never exceeded 50,000 
acres. The face of the country is mountainous, 
but not inacceflible in any part, and it abounds 
with fp rings, and rivulets. To the north and 
the eaft, the foil is a brick mould ; the fame, 
or nearly the fame, as that of which mention 
has been made in the hiftory of Jamaica. On 
the weft fide, it is a rich black mould on a fub- 
ftratum of yellow clay. To the fouth, the land 
in general is poor, and of a reddifh hue, and 
the fame extends over a confiderable part of 
the interior country. On the whole however, 
Grenada appears to be fertile in a high degree, 
and by the variety, as well as excellence, of its 
returns, feems adapted to every tropical produc- 
tion. The exports of the year 1776, from Gre- 
nada and its dependencies, were 14,012,157 lbs. 
of mufcavado, and 9,273,607 lbs. of clayed fu- 
gar; 818,700 gallons of rum; 1,827,166 lbs. of 
coffee, 457,7 19 lbs. of cacao, 91,043 lbs. of cot- 
ton, • 27,638 lbs. of indigOj and fome fmaller ar- 
ticles; the whole of which, on a moderate com- 
putation, could not be worth lefs, at the ports 
of Ihipping, than ^. 600,000 fterling, excluding 
freight, duties^ infurance and other charges.- It 
deferves to he remembered too, that the fugar 
was the produce of 106 plantations only, and 
that they were worked by 18,293 negroes, which 
was therefore rather more than one hogfhead of 
mufcavado fugar, of 16 cwt. from the labour of 
each negro, old and young, employed in the 
cultivation of that commodity ; a prodigious re- 
turn, equalled, I believe, by no other Britilh if- 
land in the Weft Indies, St. Chriftopher's ex- 

i6i H I S T O R Y O F T H E 

BOOK cepted. ^The exports of 1787 will be given 

ni. hereafter : they will be found, except in one or 
two articles, to fall greatly Ihort of thofc of 
1776; a circumftance for which I know not 
whollv how to account. 

This ifland is divided into fix parifhes, St. 
George, St. David^ St. Aridrew, St. Patrick, 
St. Mark, and St. John ; and its chief depen- 
dency, Cariacouy forms a feventh parifh. It is 
only fince the reft oration of Grenada to Great 
Britain by the peace of 1783, that an ifland law 
has been obtained for the eftablifliment of a pro- 
teftaut clergy. This aft pafl'ed in 1784, and 
provides ftipends of £. 330 currency, and £. 60 
for houfe rent per ^nnum, for five clergymen, 
viz. one for the town and parifti of St. George, ' 
three for the other five out parifhes of Grenada, 
and one for Cariacou. Befides thefe ftipends, there 
are valuable glebe lands, which had been ap» 
propriated to the fupport of the Roman catho- 
lie clergy, whilft that was the eftabliftied re- 
ligion ot Grenada. Thefe lands, according to 
an opinion of the attorney and folicitor gene- 
ral of England (to whom a queftion on this point 
was referred by the crown) became vefled in his 
Majefty as public lands, on the rcftoration of 
the ifland to the Britifti government, and I be- 
lieve have fince been applied by the colonial le- 
giflature, with the confent of the crown, to the 
further fupport of the proteftant church, with 
fome allowance thereout (to whkt amount I am 
not informed) for the benefit of the tolerated 
Romifli clergy of the remaining French inhabit 

The capital of Grenada, by an ordinance of 
governor Melville, foon after the ceflion of the 
country to Great Britain by the peace of Paris, 
is called St. George. By this ordinance, Eng- 



lifh named were given to thefcveral towns and CHAP* 
parifhes, and their French names forbidden to II. 
be thereafter ufed in any public afts. The French ' 
name of the capiul was Fort Royale. It is fitu-* 
ated in a fpacious bay, on the Weft or lee fide of 
the ifland, not far from the fouth end, and por> 
fefTes one of the fafeft and moft commodious bar* 
hours for Clipping in the Englifh Weft Indies, 
which has been lately fortified at a very great 

The other towns in Grenada, are, properly 
fp^aking, inconfiderable villages or namlets^ 
which are generally fituated at the bays or ihip* 
ping places in the feveral out pariflies. The pa* 
rifli town of Cariacou is called Hillfborough. 

Grenada has two ports of entry, with feparate 
eftabliihments, and diftin£l revenue officers, in* 
dependent of each other, viz. one at St. CJeorg^ 
the capital, and one at Grenville bay, a town 
and harbour on the eaft or windward fide of the 
iiland. The former, by the 27 Geo. IIL c. 27. is 
matJe a free port. 

Whether it be owing to the events of war, to 
domeftic diflentions, or to calamities inflidbed by 
the hand of Divine Providence, I know not, but 
it appears that the white population of Grenada 
and the Grenadines has decreafed confiderably 
fince thefe iflands firft came into pofTeflion of the 
Englift). The number of white inhabitants, in 
the year 1771, were known to be fomewhat more 
than 1600; in 17777 they had decreafed to thir* 
teen hundred; and at this time they are fupjpofed 
not to exceed ope thoufand, of which about two 
thirds are men able to bear arms, and incorpo* 
rated into five regiments of militia, including a 
company of free blanks or n;iulattoes, attached to 
each. There are likewife about 500 r^ilar 
,Vo£* I. B b troops 

3!r4 H I S T O R Y O F T H E 

BOO Kfirft perfon named in the commiffion of the peace 
lIL prefides, who is ufually the prefident or fenioxin 
^'^'^Y"^ council. 

2dly, The court of common pleas. This court 
confifts of one chief and four afliftant juftices, 
whofe commiffions are during pleafure. The 
' thief juftice is ufually appointea in England, a 
profeffional man, and receives a falary of£.6oo 
^er annum. The four afliftant juftices are ufually 
appointed by the governor from among the gen- 
tlemen of the ifland, and zSt without falary. 

3dly, The court of exchequer. The barons in 
this court are commiflioned m like manner as in 
the court of common pleas. But thb court is 
lately grown into difufe. v 

4tnly, The court of admiralty, for trial of all 
prize caufes of capture from enemies in war, and 
of revenue feizures in peace or wax. There is one 
judge of admiralty and one furrogate. 
" Laftly, The governor and council compofe a 
court of error, as in Jamaica, for trying all ap- 
peals of error from the court of common pleas. 

Although there is no law of Grenada declaring 
an adoption of the laws of England, yet it has 
been always the praftice of the courts, to confi- 
der both the common and ftatute law of England 
N to extend ta Grenada in all applicable cafes, not 

otherwife provided for by particular laws of the 
ifland. So in like manner the pra&iceof the courts 
in Weftminfter Hall, and authentic reports of 
adjudged cafes there, are refoned to, wqen pre- 
cedents and authorities are wanting in the ifland. 
In the cafe of its Jlave laws, it may be faid with 
truth and juftice, that the afTembly of this ifland 
have ftiewn a liberality of fentiment which re- 
flefts the higheft honour on their charaders, both 
as legiflators and chriftians. 

I have 


I have now fumiflied the reader with all the in* c H A P. 
formation I have colleded concerning the paft IL 
hiftory and prefent ftate of the ifland of Grenada, ' 
and if it fhall be thought deficient or uninftruq- 
tive, the fault is not in the want of materials^ 
but in the workman. Something however re- 
mains to be obfervcd concerning fuch of the Gre- 
nadines as are dependent on the Grenada govern- 
ment, the chief of which are Cariacou and Ifle 
Ronde. The former contains 6q 13 acres of land, 
and in general it is fertile andwell cultivated ; 
producing in feafonable years a million of pounds 
of cotton for ezporta^on, befides com, yams, 
potatoes and plantains fufficient for the mainte* 
xxance of its negroes. The cultivation of fugar 
has been found lefs fuccefsful in this ifland thau 
cotton, though it ftill continues to be made oil 
two plantations. Ifle Ronde contains about 500 
acres of excellent land, which are wholly applied 
to pafluragc and the cultivation of cotton. It is 
fituated about midway between Cariacou and the 
north end of Grenada, about four leagues from 

I clofe my account of this colony, as of Barba- 
does, with an authentic return by the Infpeflor 
Qeneral of Great Britain, of the exports from 
Grenada and its dependencies, for the year 1787; 
containing alfo an eftimate of the adual value of 
the feveral articles of the Britifli market ; 


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^ c«) en 











_ HE civil hiftory of thefe Iflands may be 
coomnled within a Harrow compafs; for thefo- 
vcreignty of them having been long an objeft of 
difpute between the crowns of Great Britain and 
France, the rightful poffeflbrs, the Charaibes, 
derived that fecurity from the reciprocal envy 
ajad avariee of the contending parties, which 
they miffht have expeded in vain from their juf- 
ti,ce and hununity. As both St. Vincent and 
bonunica wei^e included[, with many other Iflands, 
in the Earl of C^rlifle's patent, it is not wonder* 
ful that attempts were made, at different times, 
to brii^g them under the Englifli dominion. Thefe 
attempts the French conftantly oppofed, with de- 
sign, it was urged, fecretly and furreptitioufly to 
occupy xh^ Iflands tbemfelyes; a^d their conau£l 
towaras theCharaibes on otl>er occafions feems to 
Jttilify the fuggeitioQ. 



BOOK But, whatever might have been their motives, 
HI. they exerted themfelves with fuch effed, that 

^*^nr^ the Englifh were compelled to relinquifh all hopes 
of obtaining thefe Iflanda by force ; — for by the 
treaty of Aix la Chapelle (1748) St. Vincent, 
Dommica, St. Lucia and Tobago, were declared 
neutral, and the ancient proprietors (fuch as re- 
mained of them) were at length left in unmoleft- 
ed poffeffion. 

The difputes and hoftilities which thefe at- 
tempts of the Englilh on the one hand, and re- 
fiftance of the French on the other, gave rife to, 
in this part of the world, are no longer intereft- 
ing, and therefore need not be brought again to 
remembrance. The injuftice and depravity of 
mankind are at all times fubjedls of unpleafing 
fpeculation ; but the fubfequent condud of both 
nations, refpedling the Iflands which they had 
declared neutral, is too remarkable to be over- 
looked, even if hiftorical precifion did not, as 
in the prefent cafe it does, require me to relate 
the circumflances attending it. 

The treaty of neutrality was no fooner con- 
cluded, than both Englilh and French appeared 
diffatisfied with the arrangement which they had 
made. The latter feem not to have confidered 
until it was too late, that by reftridling the Eng- 
lifli from the occupancy orthofe countries, on 
the ground of right in a third party, they pre- 
cluded themfelves at the fame time. The Eng- 
Ulh, on the other hand, difcovered that by ac- 
ceding to the compromife, they had given up St. 
Lucia, an Ifland worth all the reft, and to which 
it muft be owned we had fome jrolourable preten- 
fipns, founded on a treaty entered into with the 
Charaibbean inhabitants in 1664, fix hundred of 
whom attended an armament that was fent thi- 




tlier by Lord Willoughby, and afhiallyput the CHAP. 
Englifn publicly and formally into poITefiion. I^* 

Both nations being thus alike diffatisfied with^*^^"^^"^^ 
an arrangement which left nothing to either, it 
maybe fuppofed that on the concluiion of the 
war which broke out a few years afterwards, a 
vfcry dififerent (Vipulation took place. The French 
no longer pleaded fcruples on behalf of the Cha- 
raibes, but very cordially concurred with the 
Englilh in dividmg the fpoiL By the 9th article 
of the peace of Paris, (igned the loth of Februa- 
ry, 1763, the three Iflands of Dominica, St. Vin- 
cent, and Tobago, were afligned to Great Bri- 
tain; and St. Lucia to France, in full and perpe- 
tual fovereignty; theCharaibes not being once 
mentioned in the whole tranfa£lion, as if no 
fuch people exifted. 

They were in truth reduced to a miferable rem- 
nant. — Of thd ancient, or, as they were called 
by the Euglifli, Yellow Charaibes, not more than 
a hundred families furvived in 1763, and of all 
their ancient extenfive poflefiions, thefe poor 
' people retained only a mountainous diflri£^ in the 
Ifland of St. Vincent. Of this Ifland and its de- 
pendencies I fhali now treat, referving Dominica 
for a feparate fe£iion. 


578 HtfitO Rt 6 1P THE 





*' THE S<>aniards(fajr8Doaor Campbell) bf. 
^* ftowedtHe name of . St. Vincent upon this it 
*' land, bccaufe they difcovered it upon the 22d 
•* of January, which in their calendar is St. Vin- 
*' cent's day, but it d6es tiot appear that they 
** were ever,, properly fpeaking , m poileiiion of 
^ it ; the Indians being very ifumerous here, <m 
^ account. of Its being the rendezvous of thek 
•• expeditions to the continent.'* Unfortunately, 
however, Neither their numbers, nor the natural 
ftrength of the country, exempted them( from 
lioftiUty; What avarioe had in vam attempted, 
accident accompliflied, by procuring an eftt- 
blifhment among them fbr a race of people^ 
whom, though at firft beheld by the native Cha- 
raibes with contempt or pity, they have fince 
found formidable nvals and mercilefs conque- 
rors. Thefe people have been long diftingnifh- 
cd^ however improperly, by the name of the 
Black Charaibes. 

Of the origin of thefe intruders, and their an- 
cient connexion with the native Charaibes, the 
bcft account that I have been able to find is in a 
fmall treat ife of the authpr above quoted, (Do6lor 
C;impbf 11) entitled ** Candid and impartial confi- 


WEST I N p I E Si 419 

deration^ on the n^iturc of the Sji^gv-trade/' CHAP, 
which being equally autheutic and curious, I ^}~^ 
ihall prefent to my readers entire ; and with the ^^^'^^^ 
lefs fcruple, becaufe it confifts chiefly qf an offi- 
cial paper which caxmot be abridged without 

" In l6^z, King Charles thought fit to divide 
thefe governments, and by a new commiffion ap- 
pointed Ix)rd Willoughby Governor of Barba- 
does, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, andDoipi;aica; Sk 
William Btapleton being appointed Governor of 
the other Leeward Ifles, and this feparation has 
fubfifted ever fince, the fame iflands being con^- 
ftantly inferted in every new Governor's patents 
On tne demife of Lord Willoughby, Sir Jona- 
than Atkins was appointed Governor of £arba- 
cloes, and the reft ot thefe iflands, and fo continu- 
ed till 1680, when he was fucceeded by Sir Rich- 
ard Dutton, who being fent for to England ha 
1685, appointed Colonel Edwin Stede jLieiute- 
nant Governor, >yho yigoroufly aflferted our rights 
"bv appointing Deputy Governors for the othfBf 
inanad; and particularly fent Captain Temple 
hither to prevent the French from woodii^g and 
watering without our permiflion, to which tjiey 
had been encouraged by the inattention of thp 
former Governors ; pei^fifting fteadily in this con- 
du£l, till it w;\s fignified to him, as we have had 
oecafion to remark before, that the King had iign- 
ed an a6^ of neutrality, and that commiifipnexs 
were appointed by the two courts, to fettle aU 
differences relative to thefe Iflands.*' 

" Some years after, a ft^ip from Guinea, with 
a^large cargo of flaves, was either wrecked or run 
on fhore upon ^he ifland of St. Vincent, into the 
woods and mountains of which great numbers 

Ef the negroes efcaped. Here, whether willing- 
7 or unwillingly is a little unci;nain, the Indians 



3te H I S T O R Y O P T H E 

BOOK fufiered them to remain, and partly by the acccf- 
ni. fion of runaway flaves from Barbadoes, partly by 

^^nn^ the children they had by the Indian women, they 
became very numerous ; Yo that about the begin- 
ning of the current century they conftrained the 
Indians to retire into the notth*weft partof the 
ifland. Thefe people, as may be reafonably fup- 
pofed, were much difTatisfied with this treatment ; 
and complained of it occalionally both to the 
Englifh and to the French, that came to wood 
and water amongft them. The latter at length 
fuffered themfelves to be prevailed upon to attack 
thefe invaders, in the caufe of their old allies ; 
and from a perfualion that they fhould find more 
difficulty in dealing with thefe negroes, in cafe 
they were fufiered to ftrengthen themfelves, than 
witn the Indians, After much deliberation, in 
the year 1719, they came with a confiderable 
force from Martinico, and landing without much 
oppofition, began to burn the negro huts and de- 
ftroy their plantations, fuppofing that the Indi- 
ans would have attacked them in the mountains, 
xvhich if they had done, the blacks had probably 
been extirpated, or forced to fubmit and become 
Haves. But either from fear or policy, the Indi- 
ans did nothing, and the Negroes fallying in the 
night, and retreating to inaccelfible places in the 
clay, deflroyed fo many of the French (amongft 
whom was Mr. Paulian, major of Martinique, 
who commanded them,) that they were forced to 
retire. When by this e^^eriment they were con- 
vinced that force would not do, they had recourfe 
to fair means, and by dint of perfuafions and 
prefents, patched up a peace with the Negroes as 
well as the Indians, from which they received 
great advantage.'* 

** Things were in this fituation when Capuin 
Urii^g came with a confideralde armament to take 


WE S T I N D I E S. $8i 

pofieffion'of St. Lucia and this ifland, in virtue CHAP, 
of a grant from our late fovereign King George I. III. 
•to the late Duke of Montague. When the French ^*^Tr^ 
had diflodged this genUeman, by a fuperior force 
from St. Lucia, he fent Captain Braithwaite to try 
what could be done at the Ifland of St. Vincent, 
in which he was not at all more fuccefsful, as 
will beft appear from that gentleman's report to 
Mr. Uring, which, as it contains feveral curious . 
circumftances relative to the country, and to the 
two independent nations who then inhabited it^ 
belongs properly to this fubjeft, and cannot but 
prove entertainmg to the reader. The paper is 
without date, but it appears from Mr. Uring's 
memoirs that this tranfadion happened in the 
Ipring of the year 1723." 


** In purfuance of a refolution in council, and 
" your order for To doing, the day you failed 
"with his Grace's colony forAntego, I failed 
*^ with the Griffin floop, m company with his 
•* Majefty's fliip the Winchelfea, to St. Vincent. 
" We made the Ifland that night, and next mom- 
** ing run along ftiore, and faw feveral Indian 
** huts, but as yet no Indians came off to us, nor 
" could we get aftiore to them, by reafon there 
** was no ground to anchor in. Towards the 
** evening, two Indians came on board, and told 
" us, we might anchor in a bay to leeward, and 
** when we were at anchor they would bring their 
** general on board. Here we came to an anchof 
*' in deep water, and very dangerous for the 
" floop. One, whom they call General, came 
** onboard, with feveral others, to the number of 
** twenty-two. I entertained them very hand- 

" fomely. 

S8i H I rf T 6 k * O F T H E 

'RO^OK^^ ibmely, and madctSie chief fome trifling pre- 
Z__^ " fents, but found he was a perfon of no confe- 
• quence, and that ^they called him Chief to get 
"^ loiiie prefent from me. Here two of the Indi- 
** ans were fo drunk, they would not go afhore, 
** but ftald oij board fome days, and were well 
*^' entertained. After this, little winds and great 
" currents drove us off for feveraldays; but at 
** laft, we came to an ailchor in a fpacious bay, 
" to leewai-d of all the Ifland, the draught of 
** which I ordered to be taken by our furveyor, 
** for your better underftanding the place, being 
^* theonly onewhere a fettlement could be made. 
*< The (hip and llbop were fcarce come to anchor, 
*' before the ftrand of the ihore was covered with 
*' Indians, and among them we could difcovei* a^ 
** white, who proved to be Frenchman. I took 
*' Captain Watfon iQ tbe boat with me, with a 
" Frenchman, and immediately went afltiore. As 
" fopn as I came amongft them, I aiked them, 
" why th6y appeared all ai'med? For every man 
*' haa cutlaffes, fome had mufquets, piftols, 
" bows and arrows, &cc. They with very little 
" ceremony inclofqd me, and carried me up the 
** country about a mile, over a little rivulet, 
*' where I was told I was to fee their general, I 
*' found him fitting amidft a guard of about a 
*^ hundred Indians, thofe ueareft his perfon had 
** mulquets, the reft bows and arrows, and great . 
" filence. He ordered me a feat, and a French- 
" man ftood at his right hand, for an interpreter: 
" he demanded of me, what brought me into his 
*' country, andofwh^t nation? I told himEng- 
*' lifh,' and I was put in to wood and water, as 
'' not caring to fay any thing elfe before the 
" .Frenchman; but told him if he would be pleaf- 
" ed to come on board our fhips, I would leave 
" Englifhmen in hoftage for him and thofe he 

« ftiould 









fliould be pleafed to bring with him; but I G9AP. 
could not prevail with him either to come on m* 
board, or fuffer me to have wood and water. 
He f^Eiid he was informed we werq qome x^ force 
a fettlement, and we had no other way to re* 
move that jealoufy but to get undejr i^jX. As 
foon a& I fpund what influence the French* 
man's company had upon them, I took my 
leave, after making fuch replies as I thought 
proper, and returned to my boat under, a guard, 
vyhenlcame to the fhore I found the guard 
there were increafed by a number of N^roes^ 
all armed with fufees. I got in my boat» with* 
out any injury, and went on board to Captaia 
Orme, and told him my ill fucceis. 
" Immediately after, I fent on fhore the fhip's 
boat with a mate, with rum, beef and bread, 
&c, with fome cutlaffes, and ordered a French- 
man who went with the mate, to defire the 
guard to oondud them to their general, and ta 
tell him, that though he denied me the com- 
mon good of water and a little ufelef^ wood^* 
ncvearthelefs I had fent him fuch refrefhments' 
as our fhips aflForded. Our people fdund the* 
Frenchman gone, and that then the Indian ge«' 
neral feemcd pleafed, and received what was* 
fent him, and in return fent me bows md ar« 

" Our people had not been long returned be- 
fore their general fent a canoe, with two chief 
Indians, whofpoke v^-y good French, to thank 
me for my prefents, and to afk pardon for his 
refiifing me wood and water, and afTured me 
I might have what Ipleafed ; and they hacj orders 
to tell mci, if I pleated to go afhore again, they 
were to remain hoftages for my civil treatment. 
I fent them on board the man of war, and with 
Capt. Watfoii went on fhore. .I.was well receiv- 
:ed, and coudu^led as before. But now I found 

" the 


BOOK " the brother of the chief of the N^roes was 
III. " arrived, with five hundred N^roes, moft sCrm- 
ed with fuzees. They told my interpreter 
" they were afTured we were come to force a fet- 
" tiement, or elfe they would not have denied 
" me what they never before denied any Engliih, 
" viz. wood and water: But, if I pleafed, I might 
^' take in what I wanted under a guard. Find- 
^^ itig them in fo good a humour, I once more in- 
^' troduced the defire I had to entertain them on 
^* board our ftiips, and with fome difl&culty pre- 
' vailed with them, b^ leaving Capuin Watfon 
' on fhore under their guard as a hoftage. I. 

* carried them on board the King's ihip, where 

* they were well entertained by Captain Orme, 
^ who gave the Indian General a fine fiizee of 
^ his own, and to the Chief of the Negroes^ 
^ fomething that pleafed him. Capuin Orme 

* aflured him of the friendlhip of the King of 
^ England, &c. The Negro Chief fpoke excel- 
^ lent French, and gave anfwers with the French 
^ compliments. Afterwards I carried them on 
^ board the Duke*s floop, and after opening 
^ their hearts with wine, for they fcorned to 
^ drink rum, I thought it a good time to tell them 
\ my commiffion, and what brought me on rtieir 
' coaft. They told me it was well I had not 
' mentioned it alhore, for their power could not 

have protefted me; that it was impolfible; the 
Dutch had before attempted it, but were glad 
to retire. They likewife told me two French 
floops had, the day before we came, been 
amongft them, gave them arms and ammu- 
nition, and aflured them of the whole force 
of Martinico for their proteftion againft us. 
They told them alfo, that they had drove us 
from St. Lucia, and that now we were come to 
endeavour to force a fettlement there ; and, 

" notwithftanding 

WEST INI> I:E Si : $1$ 

*f notwithftaixdmg all our pjeciow prcte»ce8|C5AP^ 

" whenwejjad power, we iho^^^^ .eA%ye th<5ip; ^^ 

** biw BeciarqJ they would traft no Bunopeaus; ^5^~^ 

** thjit ^tv pw^pd theDofdyes unfertile protcci. 

** UOftoftri^ JFxefxcl^, but would as Toon oppose 

f their fettli^ig amongft them, or 9jxy aft of forcf 

** from them, as us, ^s tl^y had lately given ai^ 

** example;, 1:^ billing feviqral; aAd t^ey further 

** told me, it/w^s by vc;ry I^rge pj;efent8 the 

^[ Fx-encV^^^ /gpi ip ^^^ .^^our aga^n; but 

*' they refolv^d never to piit it in thje power of 

'' ajay Europeaa tp hurt themu Thq/^ advifed 

^' me to tl^ijak what thcgr laid was an aft of friend* 

** Ihyp. yhip being aH IpouH get from them, 

^ I difipai^ed ti^ with jTudhi preC^ts as his 

** ^xace o^4^}:ed for tjiat ^i^rvic^ with a difc;hai;gc| 

" of cann90j^;^nd received in r^txirn as regular 

•i vo^^es lo^ (mall ^Qt as I, ever heardL In the 

^ i^ig^t !^% Winq^el^a drove from- her anchors, 

" >v5i«:Ji.ffa: irpon M I jper^oeivjedj and had receiv* 

*^ edCaj^inWatfpnir^ Jjgot under 

** f«^Hi ^,^di^oa to the man of war.'* 

Such is the hiftory of a very weak and fruit- 
kis aitti&mpt whwh wa* made, niider the authori- 
ty of the Britifh Government, to obtain paflfeC* 
fionof this Ifland in\the jrear 17^3: an interval 
of fortj^ryears^ fucceeds, >n which I find no oc- 
currence i^ it* hiftory th^t deferves recital. The 
country be^aoie a theaitr^ of lavage hoftilities be- 
tween the Negpbes and the Charaibee, in which 
k is believed t^at the former were generally vic- 
t^ripusii ^j^ IS certain that they proved fo in the 
end, their Bttinbera, m 1763, b^ing computed at 
twothoufand; whereas pf the yellow or native 
Charatbes, there were not left (as hath already 
bjpqi obferved) more thaxj one hundred families, 
«a4 J»qSl of theii^ if I ^m rightly informed, are 
by this time exterminated. It is however worthy 

Vol. I. C c of 

BOOK of remark^ that thfe African intrudttfe have adopt-^ 
, J^^' . , ed moft of the,Charkibean manner^ and cuftoms; 
^ among the ^cft, the praftice of ftittening the 
forehdad^ of their infants', as diefcribed in the 
firft part of this work, ind pdrh^ it was chiefly 
from this circumffaiicc that they acquired the ap^ 
|)ellation of the black Charaibes. 
' Thfe firft meafure of the £ngli(h govempient 
m reTjJeft t6 this Ifland, after the peace of Paris,^ 
^as td djifpofe of the land6-*5 care not fay to 
tHebeft advantage; for no lefs than 24,000 atcfes^, 
being more than ont-fourth part of the whole 
country, were gratuitoufly afligned oitt to ' two' 
Hidivicmals *. T^e rfemairider was ordered 
fold for the btbefit of th^ public, and 20,53$* 
acres'were accordingly difpoiec^ of by auftionror 
the fum of ;(^,i6^;854- lu. 7^^ ftcrlii^t* As 
nearly one half the country was judged unfit for 
any profitable cultivation, thefe grants" and fales 
comprehended alj the lands, of any kind of^a- 
hie, from one end of the Ifland t6 thi^ dther. The 

' tbmnriflioncrs 

"* Mr. Swinburne had twelity tlioufand actesV.and Gene-^ 
ral Monckton finir thoufand. ' -. 

. :t The Lords of the Treafury fixed « minimum, bekhir 
which no land could be fold, which was ^^.5 fberlips; per acre 
for ever/ ?cre of cleared land, and twent/ ihillings for every 
^re in ^^ood, ^nd the principal conditiotist>f ^(e were thefe,' 
** that ^very purchafer ihouid pay down twenty per cent* of 
the "vrfiole purchafe money, together with'^z pence dealing 
per acre^ for the expenceof furveying the land, and that the: 
remainder of the purchafe money ihould'be fecured by bonds '^ 
to be paid by equal inftahnents in the fpace of five years 
next after the date of the grapt. That each purchafer fhmild^ 
keep on the lands ib by him purchafed, one w.hit^ ma% or 
two white women, for every hundred acres of l^nd, as it be-^^ ' 
came cleared, for the purpofe of cultivating the fame ; or in 
default thereof, or non-payment of the renuiinder of d^e pur- 
diafe money, the lands were to be forfeited to the crown." 
Some of the lands Jbid extravagantly high,^ as far as fifty' 
ppuods llerling per acre. 

WESI* liVDIE & ^97 

toimiiiffioners indeed were diredied not to furvey CHAP* 
or dilpofe of any of the lands inhabited or claim- m* 
^d by the Charaibes, until they fliould receive ^^^nr^^ 
further inftru£lioii& from the crown } but as it 
was impoi&ble to afcert^ii^ how far the claims of 
thefe people extended, the furvey alone was 
poftponed, and the fales were fuffered to pra« 
ceecl, tb the amount that I have mentioned; no 
doubt being entertained by the feveral purcha- 
fers, that the Britilh Government would ratify , 
the sids of its commiflioners, and put them into 
poff^on of thel linds which they had bought, 
without any r^ard to the claims of the GharaibeS 
of rither race; whifch in truth were confidered 
as of no confequence or validity^ 

By what aits of perfuafion the Britifli govern- 
ment was induced to give its fan6lion and fup- 
port to the meafures which followed, it is now 
ufelefsto enquire i but poftllrity will learn with 
indignation, that the fales and allotments I have 
mentioned, gave rife to a war with the Charaibes, 
in the courfe of which, it became the avowed 
intention of govenimint to exterminate thofe 
miferable people altogether, or^ by conveying 
them to a barren ifland on the coaft of Africa^ 
coniign them over to lingering deftru£lion. By 
repeated protefts and reprefentations from th^ 
military officers employed in this difgraceful bu^^ 
finefs, and the dread of parliamentary enquiry, 
adminiftration at length thought proper to defift, 
and the Charaibed, after furrendering part of 
their lands, were permitted to enjoy the remain- 
der unmolefted, and they poffefsthem, I believe, 
to this hour. 

On the 19th of June 1779, St. Vincent's fhared 
the (iommon fate of moft of the Britifh Weft In- 
dian poflfeffions, in that unfortunate war with 
America, which fwallowed up all the rcfources 
C c 2 of 

^$4 H I.S T<iR y- O J? ff JI.E 

BOOK Qf t|ie nation, bfing captured by a fmall body of 
^M: troPPsiromMartiftico, co(nfiftingofoiil.yfourhun-» 
"^^^^ cir^ea a^nc^ i^fty men, cpm^ai^ded by a lieuiteAant 
in the French navy. Th^ Black CWllibe^ how- 
ever, as might b^ave be^ expe^^, inuoediately 
joined the eneo^y, andther^ is nod^ubt that the 
t^rrpr >yhich feized the Bri^ih iut^bjitants, from 
a;n appr^heipkfion that thofe people would proceeoi 
to the mpft bloody enori^ities, contributed to 
the very ^fy viftory which w^s pbtaip^ by the 
invaders; for th^ liland furrend^r^ without a 
ftruggle. Th^ terms^ of cf^pitUlatipn wc3f§ fiivou- 
rable, mA the Uland was re^^d to th^ daiaini*- 
on of Great Britain by the gejaeral pa^|ii(<r^tion 
of 1783. It contained at that time fix^y^^cme fur 
gar eftates, five hundred wrf& in colfjae, two 
hundred sif^res i^ cacao, four hundred in cojLtoii, 
fifty in indigo, and five hundred' in tobacco, be- 
fides land appropriated to the raifing provifion$, 
fuch as plantains, yams, maize, &q. All the 1^ 
of the county, eXfceptifltg the feiir fpot^ that had 
been cleared from time to time by the Charaibos, 
retained it? native woods, and moft of it, I be- 
lieve, con^iuues in the fame ftate to the prefent 

St. Vincent's qontains about 84,000 acres^ 
which are every where well watered, but the 
country is very generally mountainous. and rug- 
ged; the intermediate vallies, however, a^re fer- 
tile in a high degree, the foil coi^fifting chiefly 
of a fine mold, cpmpofed of faj^idaiad clay, wcu 
adapted for fugar. The extent of country at 
prefent poffefled by Britifti fubjeAs is 23,605 
acres, and about as much more is fuppofed to be 
held by the Charaibes. ^11 the repia^inder is 
thought to be incapable of cjiltivation or im- 


W£ *t INDIE S. i^ 

The Ifland, 6r ratlter the Britifh territory with- 6 k^A P. 
in it, is divided into fire parifhes, of which oH-^aTI. 
ly oiie wa$ provided with i cktirch, and that Was ' 
blown dowa in the hUrricaJfte of 1780: whether 
it k r^buik I afm n6t informed. There is one 
town, called Kingft6n/ ihe capital of the Ifland, 
and the feat of its. government, and three vil- 
higeS that bear the name of to\yns, but they are 
incbnfiderable hamlets, confilliag each of a few 
houfes only. 

In the frame of its government and the admi- 
niftration of executive juft ice, St. Vincent feems 
to differ in no refpeft from Grenada. — ^The coun- 
cil confift of twelve members, the affembly of 
feventeen. The Governor's falary is two thou- 
fand pounds (lerling, one half of which is raifed 
within the Ifland, the other half is paid him out 
of the Exchequer of Great Britain. 

The 'military force confifts at prefentof a regi- 
ment of infantry, and a company of artillery, 
fent from England ; and a black corps raifed in 
the country — but provided for, with the former, 
on the Britifli eftablifhment, an^ receiving no ad- 
ditional pay from the Ifland. The militia con- 
fifts of two regiments of foot, ferving without pay 
of any kind. 

The number of inhabitants appears, bv thelaft 
returns to Government, to be one thouland four 
hundred and fifty Whites, and eleven thoufand 
eight hundred and fifty-three Negroes. 

Of the labour of thefe people I have no other 
means of fliewing the returns, than from the In- 
fpeAor General's account of the exports from 
this Ifland for 1787, a table of which, as in 
the cafe of the other Iflands, is fubjoined. In 
thistable, however, I conceive is comprehended 
the produce of the feveral Iflands dependent on 
the St. Vincent Govcijiment, viz. Bequia, con- 



BOOKtaunng 3,700 acres; Umon, containing 2,150 
IQ* acres; Canouane, containing 1,777 a^r^; and 
Muflique, containing a^bout 1,200 acres ^; the 
Negroes employed in the cultivation of thefe If- 
lands (in number ^hiout 1,400) being, Ibeliev^ 
included in the 11,853 before mentioned, 

* There are likewife tbe little iflots of Petit Martinique, 
Petit St. Vincent, Maillereau, and Ballefea\i, cadi of ¥rm€l| 
produces ft little cQ^on. "^ 











. «ooeo 

— iTTir 





r » 


*4 r* •*» 


a »^ >* 




S * c t \ Q -sk 

H I » T 6 it ¥ O t f H E 

Section II. 

THE likfid of l) om inic ai was fo named by 
Chriftoph^r Coltmbus, fromthecirciuBlhaiceof 
its being difcovejrcdby l^im dn a Sunday *. b/Ly 
accouilt of k will be very; brief, for its civil 
biftory, like that 6f! St. Vincent, is a mere blank 
previous to the veaf 1759, ^hen by confjueft it 
fell under the dominion of Great Britiin^ and 
was afterwards confirmed toi the Britilh erown, 
by the treaty of : peace ooncljided at Paris in Fe- 
bruary 1763. 

Notwithftanding that Dom&nica had, until that 
time, been coniildlei^ed as a cleutral ifland, many 
of thefubjefts of France had edaUi&ed coffee 
plantations,' and other fettlements^ in various 
parts of the country ; smd it reflefis b<^nour on 
the Britifh adminiftratiori, that thefe people were 
fecured in their jpofjeflibhs, i>n condition of tak* 
ing the oaths ei allegiance to his Britftnnic Ma* 
jefty and paying afmall quit-rent f. The reft 
' of 

• Novcmb^f S*, 1495^ 

f The crown grafted than leafel, fome for feuftem, and 
others for fort/ yeah, renewable at the ex^ation ^ereof, 
with conditioni in evtrj leafe, ** that the MfiEbfibr^ HU heirs 
or affigns, (hottld ^iy to las Majieftx, l^t heif s or iuccef« 
^ors, the fumof tw^ fhillinct fterubg peri^nmiai, for erery 
acre of land, of which the leafe fhould confifb." AjmI iitr* 
tkn^ V A^ ^^ fkguld not fell or difpole of their landt| 



of the cuItiv^Me laiids were ordered to l>e foIJ Oft AF. 
on the fame conditioiis as thofe of St. Vincent, HI. 
by commiffioixers nominated for that purpofe, ^'^^T^^ 
and no lefs than $[6,344 acres (comprehendmg 
one half of the ifland) were accordindjr difpofed 
of by audlion, in allotments from fifty tb one 
hnndred acres, yielding the fum of /]• 3 12,092. 
iij. i^. fteiling money*. 

It does not hmrever appear that the purchafeS 
thus made by Brltifh Inbjeds have anfwered 
the expeftation of the buyers ; for the French 
inhabitants of Dominica are ftill more numerous 
than the Englifti, and poflefs the moft valuable 
coffee plantations in the Ifland, the produce of 
^hich has hi#erto been found its mofl import- 
ant flaple. Thejr differ but little, in manners, 
coftonis, and religion, from the inhabitants of 
the other French Mands in the Weft Indies, 
and their priefts have been hitherto appointed 
by ftiperiors in Martinibo ; to the govemmeiit of 
which Ifland, and to the laws of their own na- 
tion, they confiderthemfelves to be amenable. 

I am forrv hiftorical juftice obliges me to obferv^ 
that the lioeral conduft of the Britifh government 
towards thefe people, after they became adopted 
ihbjeds, did not meet with that grateful return 
from them, which, for the general interefts of 
mankind, ought to be religioufly raanifefted on 
inch occafions. 

At the commencement of the hopelefs and 
deibru^ve war between Great Britam and hei' 


inthout tHe eonfent or amrobatlon of the goYemor, or com* 
inander in diief of tKat Ifland, for tbe time being." lliU 
indulgence however did not. extend to more than mree hun* 
dred acres of land occupied \>y each French fubje A. 

^ Tio perfon was allowed to purchafe. either In his own 
name or in the name of others in truft for him, more than 
dure6 hundred acres, li in Dominica, or five hundred actei 
if in St. Vincent. 

f#» H I jl X 0«TI O F T H E 

^KOQf^ ^f]^i}i^ ,qi Kortk ^mmcst,. the iiland of I>i^ 
III, mihica was m;L fkJiiiHlhmgfiwatiop* The port 
* of Rofeaa h^viog beea declared a ftee-poct hj 
261 of parliaii}epjt^ W49 reibrt^ to by trgdiog ^ei^ 
fels from piofl pfrt^ of t}i^ fore^ Weft Iifdies^ 
;^s well ^ fro^i America, Ttie French and Spa,, 
liianf^ purchs^ed great numbers^^of Ki^pxiea there 
ibr the fhpply of their fettleinepis^ tq^etlusr with 
Taft quantities of the merchandize and xn^niji&c- 
tures of Great Britain; payment ^r all which 
yif^^ made chiefly ip bullion, indigo, and cotton, 
and completed in mules and cattle ; articles of 
prime necefiity . to tjie planter ^. 

Thus the ifi^nd, though in itfelf (rertauilynot 
fo fertile as {ome others of Icfs extent in iu 
neighbourliood, was becoming very rapidly a 
colcmy of confide^ble importan<^ ; but untbr- 
tunat^JY i(^ ^^^^^ ths^tprotefCion, which alcme 
could give its poITeflions {lability and value* 

To thofe who recoHeA the frantic rage;, with 
which all the faculties and means of Great Bri- 
tain were dire^ed towards, and applied in, the 
fffbjugation of America, the utter difregfardwhidi 
was manifefled by the then admiiuftr%ti(m to-. 
wards the fecurity of thif and the pth^r Britifii 
ifknds in the \Veft IndieSj» may not perhaps be 
matter of fprprife; ^t it will hereafter be fparce- 
ly believed, tnat the whole regular force allotted, 
during the height of the war, for the protection 
f f Domtnicai confifted of fix officers an^ c^ne* 
ty-four privates L Thi^ fiiameful n^Ie& was the 

Sore rerjiarkable, as this iflaiid, from its local 
uationj between Martii^ico and Guadaloup^ 
Js the beft calculated of all the pofleffions of 


* Rofeau 1^ dill a free-port^, But the reAriAIons and re- 
gulations of the late aft are fo rigid, that foreigners have no 
encouragement to refort to it, and, fioce ibme late feixureu 
^onfider the law as a fmrQ to invite them to mm. 


Gre4.t.Brttainin thatpartof theworld, forfecurlng CHAR. 
^ her the dominion of the Charaibbean fea. A IIL 
few Ihips of war ftatioi^ed at Prince Rupert's * 
Bay, would efiFc^ually ftop all intercourfe of the 
French fettlements with each pth^r, a3 not a vetw 
fel can pafa, but is liable to capture by (hips cruiz- 
ing Off that bay> and to windward of the ifland. 
This indeed was dilcovped whep it was too 

' It is provable that this, and the other clrcumr 
ftances which 1 have recounted, namely, the 
growing prolperity of the colony, and the cri- 
minal inattention pf the Bfitifh Miniftiy towatdf 
its fecutity, had already attracted the vigilant ra- 
pacioufnefs of the French govenunent ;'but it is 
afTerted, that many of the inhabitants within 
the colony, who had formerly been fubjefts of 
France, fprupled not, on the firft intimation of 
jioftilities having been commenced in Europe^ 
in the year 1778, tp invite an attack from Mar- 
tinico. Proofs pf this may not perhaps eafily 
be made, but it is certain' that their fubfequent 
conduft gave too much caufe for iuch a fufpi.. 

On Monday, the 7th of September, in that 
year, a Frencn armament, coniifting of a forty- 
guti fliip, three frigates, and about thirty fail of 
armed floops and fchooners, having on board upr 
wards of two thoufand regulair troops, and a lav/T 
lefs banditti of volunteers, about half that num- 
ber, appeared off the iiland, under the command 
pf the Maiiquis de Bouille, governor pf Martir 
aico, and general of the French Windward Weft- 
Indian Iflands. Part of the troops having foon 
afterwards landed without oppofition, the enemy 
proceeded to the attack of Fort Cafliacrou, th^ 
chief defence of the iiland, and in which 4 de^ 
tachment of the regulars was flationed. This 



3R 6 OK fort was built on a rock, about three hundred 
HL feet in perpendicular height, furrounded on 

w^T^w three -fides by the fca, and was eonfidered fo 
very defenfible, that it was fuppofed a few hun- 
dred men, well proTided, would maintain it 
^ainfl as many thcmfands. Great therefore was 
the aftoniihment of the Emglifh in the town of 
Rofeau, in perceiving, by the French colours 
flying on it, that this fort had furrendered with- 
out refiftance ; but,, ftrange as it teay feem, the 
cafe appeared afterwards to be, that fome of the 
French inhabitants had infinuated themfelves 
into the ibrt a few n%hts before, and: having in- 
toxicated with liquor the fiew foldiers that were 
there on duty, had contrived to ^ike up the 

Having thus made themfelves makers of Fort 
Cafiiacrou, the enemy landed their whole force 
about noon, and bc^an their march fop the town, 
which was defended by Fort Melville, and three 
other batteries; but unfortunately thefe batteries 
were ill provided; and worfe manned. The whole 
number of the militia didnot exceed one hundred^ 
for but few of the French inhabitants thought 
proper to affemble, and of thdfe that made their 
appearance, many withdrew themfelves s^aiir^ 
and were no more leen until after the iikind had 

The fmall force however that was colleded^ 
behaved With that fpirit and gallantry, whidk 
give room m lasnent that they were not better 
fupported. Three times was the enemy driven 
out of Fort LoubierCj of which they had pof* 
feffed themfelves in their march, and twice: were 
the colours which they had hoifted thereto fiiot 
awav. Their commiUary general, and i^ardff 
of forty of tbeb (oldier^ were kilt)^ and de 


W E S T I N D I E 8. 19, 

Bouille hunfelf hada very tiarrow efcape; HsCHAP. 
fword being ftiot away from his fide. Ill, 

But gaUaatry was unavailing againft fuch fu- ^ 
petioirity of numbers ; for about two thoufand of 
the French having ihortly after gained pofTeilionL 
of the heights above Rofeau, this laflt circum-ir 
itance determined the fate of the ifland. The 
bravery of the inhabitants, however, obtained 
for them very honourable terox^ of capitulation* 
Befides being permitted t20 march out with all 
military honiours, they weire allowed to retain 
iheijr oivil government, and the free exercife of 
their religion, laws, cuftoms, and ordinances;^ 
to preferve the adminiflratiDn of juftice in the 
fim^perfons, in whom it was then veiled ^, and 
to enjoy their po(£c0ions, c^ what nature foever^ 
unmoldfted ; a privilege alfo which was exprefsly 
fssteaded to abfent as well aa refident proprie* 
tors. . . 

iDe Bouille having thus completed his con- 
ijueft, departed fi3r Martinico, leaving the Mar-* 
quis Duchilleau commander in chief of Domi^ 
nica^ whofe. condud, during four yeaiB that he 
continued in the iiland, is laid to have bieen fo 
wai^tonly oppreflive and tyrannical, tb«t we are 
left to wonder at the patient long-fuffering and 
forbearance of the people imder his government, 
m fubmitting to it for half the time. 

His firfi meafure was to difarm thid Eaglifh in« 
habitaats, and diftribute their arms among the 
runaway negroes, with whom he adlually enter 'f 
ed into an engagement for their affiilailce, if 
wanted. He iflued a proclamation, forbidding 
the Englifh to aflemble together more than two in 
a place, under the penalty of military execution, 


• It was flipulatcd that Ae members of the council ihould 
conilitute a court of chancery, the ^wers of ivhich were 
veiled folely in the governor before the furrenaer. 

S98 HisroRV 6 If Tftie 

B O 6 IC fund he commanded the centinels to fhoot them 
m. iftheypaffed in greater numbers. He ordered 
' that no lights fhould be feen in their houfes after 
nine o'clock at night, and that no Englifh perfon 
&ould preiUme to walk theftreets^ after that hour, 
without a candle and lanthorn* Mr; Robert 
How, an Englifh merchant, and owner of a ihip 
then in the bay^ attempting to go on board his 
own veilel after that hour, was fhot dead in the 
Ittempt, and the centidel who killed htm wa^ 
f aifed to a higher flation in his regiment for hav-^ 
ing thus (as the governor ezprefled k) done his 

So very apprehenfive was this governor that 
the Englifh inhabitants were forming defigns to 
retake the ifland, that every letter of theirs was 
opened for his infpeftion before it was delivered^ 
And, deeming this meafure infufhcient to fiimilh 
him with the knowledge of their private tranfac« 
tions, he adopted the pradice of going himfelf in 
difguife, or employing others who better knew 
the Englifh language, in order to liften at their 
doors and windows in the night-time, to the con* 
veriation which pafTed in domeflic intercourfe. 

He repeatedly threatened to fet fi]?e to the town 
of Rofeau, in cafe the Ifland ihould be attacked, 
and, though this was never attempted by the 
Englifh forces, yet that town was fet fire to by 
the French foldiers, who, there is every reafon 
to fuppofe, did it by the governor's pnvate or- 
ders* This fuppofition was ftrongly corrobo- 
rated by his behaviour on the night of that melan- 
choly event, at which he himfelf was prefent the 
beft part of the time, like another Nero feero- 
ingly diverted with the fcene, and would not al- 
low his foldiers to aiOifl in eztinguifhinff the flames 
(fave only in houfes that belonged to the French 
inhabitants) but permitted them to pillage the 

it This 

W E is * I It D f B^a • S9^ 

Thits fiK happened the ^eveHitig <9f EKftm^SiAl^ C H A IC 
^5% ^TSi; by which upwjurds of fi^e hundrtd ^^^ 
iKMifed werecoafunied in afeir faoms; 4Uirfii Vtft^ 
*<]aantity of rich merchandize 4iid effe£ts deftro)r^ 
-^ to the Talae of two buidi^ tjfon&nd poondi 

White ^e wretched ifihabltaots were tfaui 
groaning under domeflic defpotilm, they had no 
refonrces from without* Tl^ir trade wa& entirei^ 
ly cutoff, infbmnch, that dunag five Tcanaud 
tnree months, thetitnethat the ifland of Domi^ 
uka was in poflfeflion of the EVmreh^ k wdts^4re^ 
ibited to by no vefleb from Old France^ nor W3U 
any of its produce exported to that kingdoop; 
txxt pan of it wai fent in AMtral bottoins to the 
DntchiflandofiSt Euftatiut/ before its capiumbf 
Admiral Rodney; and from thenoeJt was ex]^«i. 
4Mi to Ei^labd^ tinder the noft eztravagant ea^ 
fyencesandiofctotbeproprietoirs, : - i 

OtherjTJarta' of their produce .were fern in 
f)utcfa vefiek, which wereengkgediba:tlM^Erpofe 
ia Engldjid, to Rotterdam; and a&er the bttalu 
ing out of the war with the Dutch/ the prodvcJi 
of 0onkini«ai was^^etft ander hnpiriai oolourito 
Oftend^ wheF«thafQgarfbldI£R}m;:£rx toeighb 
^pounds ifaerling the hoglheid.'* 1 . . ; 

^ Thefe acautuilated dlfbtfier cndediin cthe ab^ 
fi^te rain ^f many of tlie f^lant^rs, and we axt 
a^Kared; on good authority,: that; no ; lefa than 
thirty fugax^ plantation* wece^ in kmifequenee 
thereof, thrown up and abandoned by the prO^ 
^fietors; At length howeverytheiday of delive- 
rance arrived ) ibr, im the niontfa of January 
11783, Domifiica waareftored to the govemmeai 
of Eng^^nd* Tiie joy which, on^ihcsievent, ani^ 
mated the bolbm and enlightened the countenance 
of every man, whom painful experience, under 
tonfibltfafy govenunent> hadtkaghtto fet a right 

.' .. ..^ ^ - value 


300K iffrlue on the BritHh xxmiikutiosiy may be ebn- 
11^' ceivcd, but ctimot be de&iibed. Tne inhabSr 
tuita were now reftored to the full aatjoyment /f£ 
their former priviksef^ under a dvil efl^abliib- 
jnent, fimilar to tho& of the other Bntiihcolop. 
nies in the Weft Indies, which being hereafter to 
bedefcribed at ieuj^h, it isunneoeflary to enlaige 
upon in this place, except to obferve, that the 
legHlative authority of tma ifland ia vt&tA in the 
cosmumder tn dnef, a council of twelve goi^tle- 
n)en> and an aflemblT of nineteen members*. 
The£ewobfervationfttDerefofe which follow, con- 
jQeming its prefcnt ftate .so^d produAions^ will 
conclude my account 

Dominica contaista 186,436 acxes of land ; and 
is divided into ten pariihes. The town of R(^ 
feau is at prefent the capital of the ^ifland, and is 
fituated in tfaepariihiof St. George,; being about 
feven leagues from Prince Rupert'ai hair. It is oa 
a point of land on tlie 3. W. fideicir theiflanct 
which diMrms two bays, .yiz^i Woodhiidge's haqf 
td the north, tod Charlotte-viUe bayto tM 

Rofean ia about half a mile i» kfigth» fron 
ChaxlottCi^Yilk torRofiMiu river, and^ moitly tiro 
furlongs in breadth^ toit le& \A: fome parts, her 
ing of a very iif egUkr figure. It eonttaina not 
suore than fiye hundred boufes^ esri^fi ve of tht 
cotbigpes occupied bjrncgro^. Before its i&Kp^ 
cure by thefinnqh, it contained upwai?ds of cam 

This Hknd is twenty*^ine ioiilee in lengptb, aii<i| 
mayberedconcdfixtMniiile^mbreadth* ItcQn*p 
tarns many h]gbaadr«iggedmdu&tains» interfpofr 
4edwith£oeyaUi0, axiidiageiieealtheyapi^to 


^ 7I19 |Ql!rfrnoT> ^^Vf7 x^. out. tkoidkad two |iii&4Mi 
{ouiids fterUng per annum, exclufive ot liis ftes of .office. 


be fertile* Several of the mountains contain CRAP« 
unextinguiihed volcanoes, which frequently dif- ^^ 
charge Vaft quantities of burning fulphur. From "^ ^~ 
thefe mountains alfo iffue fprings 0^ hot watco*, 
fome of which are fuppofied to poffefs great vir- 
tue in the cafe of tropical difordars. In fotne 
places the wat^ is faid to be hot enough to coa-> 
gulatean egg*^ 

Dominica is well watered, there being upwards 
of thirty fine rivers in the Uland, beiides a great 
number of rivulets. The foil, in moil of the 
interior country, is a light brown-coloured mouldy 
and appears to have been waihed from the moun^ 
uins. Towards the fea-coaft, and in many of 
the vallie^, it is a deep, black, and rich native 
earth, and feems well adapted to the cultivation 
of all the articles of Weft Indian produce. The 
under ftratum is in fome parts a yellow or brick 
clay, in others a fiiff terrace, but it is in molt 
places very ftony. 

I am afraid, however, that the quantity of 
fertile land b but a very {mall proportion ot the 
whole; there not being more than fifty fugar 
plantations at prefent in cultivation, and it i^ 
computed^ that on an average, one year wkh 
akiother, thofe fifty plantations do not produce 
aunualiy more thati three thouland hogfheads of 
fugar. This is certainly a very (mall quantity 
of that article for fueh an ettenfive liiand, or 
even for die number ^of fiigar plantations at pre- 
ftnt under cultivation, allowing only one hun- 
dred acres of canes to each. 

VoL.L Dd Ck>ffee 

♦ In rfie l?^(k>& of Dotoinica ate ititvumejrable fwarms ot 
b«s, which Wve iti the trees, and ptoduce great quantities of 
wax ahdhonev, both of which are eoual in goodnefs to any 
in Europe^ It is ptecifely the fame fpecies of bee as in Eu- 
rope, and mud have been tranfpof ted Aither •, the native bee 
ofthe Weft Indies being a fmaller fpecies, unprovided with 
Htm, and very different in its manners from the European. 

40ft H r S T O R Y O F T H E 

Coffee feems to anfwer better than Sugar, there 
being fomewhat more than two hundred coffee 
plantations in Dominica, which* in favourable years 
have produced three millions of pounds weight. 

A fmall part of the lands are alfo applied to the 
cultivation of cacao, indigo, and ginger ; but I 
believe that moft of thefe articles, as well as of 
the cotton, which are comprehended in the ex- 
ports, are obtained from the dominions of fo- 
reign ftates in South America, and imported into 
^his ifland under the free-port law. 

The number of white mhabitants, of all de- 
fcriptions and ages, appear, by the laJft returns to 
government, in 1788, to be 1236; of free ne- 
groes, &c. 445, and of flaves 14,967. There are 
^Ifo from twenty to thirty families of the ancient 
natives, or Charaibes, properly fo called. They 
are a very quiet, inoffcnfive people, fpeak a lan- 
guage of their own, and a little French, but none 
of them underftand Engliih *. 

Such is the information which I have col- 
lefted concerning the civil hiftory and prefent 
ftate of Dominica, for moft of whith I am in- 
debted to a late publication by Mr. Atwood. 
Nothing now remains but to fet forth the parti- 
culars and value of its produdions, which I 
fhall adopt, as in other cafes, from the return of 
the Infpeftor General for the year 1787- 

♦ A late writer gives the following account of thefe people : 
*' They are of a clear copper colour, have long, ileek, black 
hair : their perfons are fhort, ilouC, and well made, but thejr 
disfigure their faces by flattening their foreheads in infancy. 
They live chiefly by fifhing in the rivers and the fea, or by 
fowling in the woods, in both which purfuits they ufe their 
bows and arrows with wonderful dexterity. It is faid they will 
kill the fmalled bird with an arrow at a great diflance, or 
transfix a fifh at a confiderable depth in the fea. They dif- 
play alfo very great ingenuity in making curious wrought pan- 
niers or balkets of filk grafs, or the leaves and bark of trees." 






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Leewatd Charaibbtaii t/ldfid Goifernmentj compre^ 
hending St. ChrtJidpner^Sy Nevis, Jntigua, Mont* 
fcn'at,andthe virgin tjflands.^^CivilHiJiory and 
Geographical befcriptian of each. — 'Tdbk of jEx- 
ports from each I/land for 1787} and an 
Account 0/ the Mbney arifitig from the Duty 
of Four and a Half per Cefit. — -Ohferuations 
concerning thi Decline' of thef^ Iftands^ which 
conclude their Hiftoryi 

HESk feVeril illancfe, fin<te the year 1672, 
have conflituted ont diftind goVemmeiit ; the go- 
vernor being tilled Captain Genetal of the Leeward 
Charaibean Ijlkrtds. He vifits each OcCafionally, 
but his chief feat oif* refidence is Antigua ; the 
govemmetit of each ifland^ in the abfence of the 
goVernor-gdneifal, being Ufually adminiftered by 
a lieuteimnt-governoi^, whofe authority is limit- 
ed to thdt particuiaf ifland ; and where no lieu- 
tenant-gbverfior is a|)poilited, the prefident of 
the council takes the command. I fhall treat of 
them feparatelyj and afterwards combine, in 
a concilfc fiimmary, thofe circ»mftances which 
are common to them all. 

Their civil hiftory will be fhort ; for in 
this part of my fubjeft I haVe but little to 
add to the recital df Oldmiton, and other 
writers, who hive preceded ifae; and where 
novelty is Wanting, brevity is indifpenfibly re- 

2, Section 

Section I. 

THE iflan4 of St. Chriftopher was called by 
itf ancient pqffeflbrs, the Charaibes, Liamuiga, 
or the Fertik Ifljind. k was difcovered in 
^oyember^ 1493, by Colunabus himfelf, who- 
was fo pleafed with its appearance, that he 
honoured it with his own Chriflian name. But 
It wa^ Acithi^ planted nor poflefl'ed by the 
3pft}4ards. {t was^ however (notwithftanding 
that the g^eral opinion afcribes the honour 
pf feniority to Barbadoes,) the eldeft of all the 
Britifti ti^ritofies ia the Weft Indies, and, in 
xrufhj the common mother both of the Engliih 
ami F^'ench Settlements in the Charaibean 
iflajidft* The fa6^ as related by an hiftorian ^ 
lip whofe ioduftry and knowledge I have been 
fo Ifurgdy indebted in my account of St. Vin- 
CCflLt, was this : " In the nunaber of thofe gentle- 
imctn who accompanied Captaiu Roger North, in 
g voyage to Surinam, was Mr. Thomas Warner, 
W^o making an acquaintaace there with Captain 
Thomas Painton, a very experienced feaman, 
fhe latter fuggefted how much eaiier it would 
J^ t9 fil^, aad^pireierve in good order, a colony 
ia one pf the imaU ifla9ds, defpifed and deferted 


• Dr. Campbell. 


BOOK by the Spaniards; than on that vaft country, the 
ni. continent, where, for want of fufficient autho- 
rity, all things were fallen into confufion ; and 
he particularly pointed out for that purpofe 
the ifland of St. Chriftopher. This gentleman 
dying, Mr. Warner returned to England in 
1620, refolved to put his friend's projedl in 
execution. He accordingly affociated himfelf 
with fourteen other perfons, and with them took 
his paffage on board a fhip bound to Virginia. 
From thence he and his companions failed from 
St. Chriftopher's, where they arrived in January 
1623, ana by the month of September fol- 
lowing had raifed a good crop of tobacco, 
which they propofed tp make their ftaple 
commodity." It has been ftiewn in a' former 
chapter, that the firft adlual eftabliihment in 
Barbadoes, took place the latter end of 1624. 

By the generality of hiftorians, who have 
treated of the affairs of the Weft Indies, it is 
afferted that a party of the French, under the 
command of a perfon of the name of D'Efnam- 
buc, took poffeflion of one part of this Ifland, 
on the fame day that Mr. Warner landed on 
the other ; but the truth is, that the firft 
landing of Warner and his aflbciates, happened 
two years before the arrival of D'Efnambuc; 
who, it is admitted by Du Tertre, did not leave 
France until 1625. Unfortunately, the Engliih 
fettlers, in the latter end of 1623, had their 
plantations demoliflied by a dreadfiil hurricane, 
which put a fudden ftop to their progrefs. In 
confeouence of this calamity, Mr. Warner re- 
turned to England to implore fuccour ; and it 
was on that occafion that he fought and obtained 
the powerful patronage and fupport of James 
Hay, Earl of Carlille. This nobleman caufed a 
ihip to be fitted out, laden with all kinds of 



neceffaries. It was called the Hopewell; and cHAP. 
arrived at St. Chriftopher's on the i8th of May IV. v 
1624; and thus he certainly preferved a fettle- 
ment, wliich had otherwife died in its infancy. 
Warner himfelf.did not return to St. Chrif- 
topher's until the year following. He was then 
accompanied by m large body of recruits, and 
D'Efnambuc arrived about the fame time; per- 
haps the fame day. This latter was the captain 
of a French privateer ; and, having in an engage- 
ment with a Spanifti galleon of fuperior ftrength^ 
been very roughly handled, he was obliged, 
after lofmg feveral of his men, to feek refuge in 
thefe iflands. He brought with him to St. Chrit 
topher's about thirty hardy veterans, and they 
were cordially received by .the Englifh, who 
appear at this time to h^ve been under fome 
apprehenfions of the Charaibes. Hitherto War^ 
ner's firft colony had lived on friendly terms 
with thefe poor favages, by whom they were 
liberally fupplied with provifions; but having 
feized on their lands, the confcioufnefs of de- 
ferving retaliation made the planters apprehen- 
five of an attack, when probably none was 
intended. Du Tertre relates that the French 
and Englifli receiving information of a projefted 
revolt, concurred in a fcherae for feizing the 
confpirators beforehand. Accordingly they 
fell on the Charaibes by night, and, having 
murdered in cold blood from one hundred to 
one hundred and twenty of the ftouteft, drove 
all the reft from the ifland, except fuch of the 
women ^ were young and hand fome, of whom, 
fays the reverend hiftorian, they made con- 
cubines and flaves. Such is the account of a 
contemporary author, PereDu Tertre, who relates 
thefe tranfadions with perfedl compofure, as 
founded on common uf^g^* ^^^ ^^^ unwarrant*. 



BOOK able in their nature. He adds, that fiicfa of tl» 
J^ Charaibcs as efcaped the maflacre, having givati 
^ the alarm to their countrymen in the neighbcmring 
iflandsy a Urge body of them returned foon after- 
wards, breathing revenge; and now the conflid 
became ferious. The Eun^peans however, more 
from the fuperiority of their weapons, than of their 
valour, became conquerors in the end; but their 
triumph was dearly purchafed; one hundred of 
their number having been left dead on the field 
of battle. 

After this exploit, which Du Tertre calls a glo- 
rious vi6lory, the Charaibes appear to have quit- 
ted altogether this and fome of the fmall iflands 
in the neighbourhood, and to have retired fouth- 
wards. The two leaders, Warner and Defnam- 
buc, about the fan^e time, found it neceflary to 
return to Europe for the purpofe of foliciting fiic- 
cour from their refpedlive naticms; and bringing 
with them the name of conquerors, they feverally 
met with all poifihle encouragement. Warner 
was knighted by his fovereign, and through the 
intereft of his noble patron fcnt back as governor 
in 1626 with four hundred new recruits, amply 
fupplied with neceffaries of all kinds; while 
Defnambuc, under the patronage of Richlieu 
(the minifter of France) projeAed the eflablifli* 
ment of an exclufive company for trading to this 
and fome of the other iflands. That minifter 
concurred with Defnambuc in opinion, that fuch 
an inftitution was beft adapted to the purpofes of 
commerce and colonization; — an erroneous ccm- 
clulion, which Defnambuc himfelf htd foon abun- 
dant occaiion to lament; for the Friench in gene- 
ral either mifunderflood or difapproved the pro- 
jeft. Subfcriptions came in relu&antly, and the 
ihips which the new company fitted out on this 
occaiion, were fo wretchedly fupplied with pro- 


^ifions tftd nectl&ntB, tlitt of five fatuidred and CHAP, 
thirty-two recruits, idio fiuled from France with IV. 
DefmanAuc^ in Februiuy ^627, the greater part 
periihod m^rably at fea iar want of £ood. 

The Englifli reoeived the furvivora with com« 
pafiion and kindnefs; and for preveming con* 
tefU in future about their refpedlive limita, the 
commanders of each nation agreed to divide the 
whole ifland pretty equally between their follow- 
ers. A treaty 01 partition for this purpofe was 
reduced to writing, and figned, wita many for<- 
malities, on the third of May 1627 • ^ compre- 
hended al£» a league defeniiveand o&nfive ; but 
this alliance proved of little avail againft the Spa^ 
niih invafion in 1629, the circumfiances whereof 
I have ellewhere relitf:ed. Yet furely, unjuftifia- 
^ as that attack may be deemed, if the conduift 
of the new iettlers towards theCharaybcs was fuch 
as Du Tertre relates, we have but liule eaufe to 
lamestt over the miferies which befel them* The 
inisd exults in the chaftifemeut of cruelty, evei^ 
when the inftruments of vengeance are as crimi- 
nal as the objects of punifhment« 

It may now be thought that thoie of the two 
nations who furvived fo deftruAive a ftorm, had 
kamt moderation and forbearance in the fohool 
of adverfity ; alid indeed for fome yearfi they ap- 
pear to have lived on terms of good neighbour- 
hood with each other ; but at length national ri- 
valry and hereditary animofity were allowed their 
fiill influence, infomuch that, for half a century 
afterwards, this little ifland exhibited a difgiiftful 
fcene of internal contention, violence and blood- 
filed. It is impoffible at this time to pronounce 
with certainty, whether the French or the Eng- 
lifh were the firft aggreflbrs. It is probable that 
each nation would lay the blame on the other. 
We are toid that in the firft Dut^ war^ in the 


4to H I St R Y OF TH E 

BOOK rtign of Chsirlcs II. the French king declaring for 
in. the United States, his fubjedls in St. Chrifto- 
pher's, difdaining an inglorious neutrality, at- 
tacked the Englifh Planters, and drove them out 
of their poiTeffions; which were afterwards, by 
the treaty of Breda, reftored to them. In 1689, 
in confequence of the ^'evolution which had ta- 
ken place in England the. preceding year, the 
French Planters in this ifland, declaring them- 
felves in the interefts of the abdicated monarch, 
attacked and expelled their Engliih neighbours 
a fecond time, laying wafte their plantations,, 
and committing fuch outrages as are unjuftifiable 
among civilized nations, even in a time of open 
and avowed hoftility. Their condud on this oc- 
cafion was deemed fo cruel and treacherous, that 
it was King William and Qg.een Mary 
among the caufes which induced them to declare 
war againft the French nation. Even fortune 
herfelf, inclining at length to th^ fide of juftice, 
from henceforward deferted them; for^ after 
they had continued about eight months fole maf- 
ters of the ifland, the Englifh under the command 
of general Codrington, returning in great force, 
not only compelled the French inhabitants to fur- 
render, but aftually tranfported eighteen hun- 
dred of them to Martinico and Hifpaniola. It is 
true that reparation was (lipulated to be made 
them by the treaty of Ryfwick in 1697 ; but war 
again breaking out between the two nations in 
1702, the Frenfch planters derived but little ad- 
vantage from that claufe in their favour. They 
had however, in 1705, the gloomy fatisfaftion 
to behold many of the Englifh pofleffions again, 
laid wafte by a French armament, which com- 
mitted fuch ravages that the Britifh Parliament 
found it necefl&ry to diftribute the fum of 
£. 103,000 among the fufferers, to enable them 



to re-fettle their plantations. Happily, this wis CHAP, 
the laft exertion of national enmity and civil dif- ^^• 
cord within this little community ; for at the ' 
peace of Utrecht, the ifland was ceded wholly to 
the Englilh, and the French poflellions publicly 
fold for the benefit of the Euglifh government. 
I^ I733> £>SOyboo of the money was appropriat- 
ed as a marriage portion with the princefs Anne, 
who was betrothed to the Prince of Orange. 
Some few of the French planters, indeed, who 
confented to take the oaths, were naturalized, 
and permitted to retain their eftates. 

Such was the origin and progrefs of the Britifti 
eftablifhment in the Iliand of St. Chriftopher. 
The circumftances which attended the French in- 
vafion in the beginning of 1782, when a garri- 
fon of lefs than one thoufand effeftive men (in- 
cluding the militia) was attacked by eight thou- 
fand of the beft difciplined troops of France, fup- 
ported by a fleet of thirty-two ftiips of war; the 
confequent furrender of the ifland, after a moft 
vigorous and noble defence; and its reflioration 
to Great Britain by the general peace of 1783, 
being within every perfon's recolleftion, need 
not be related at large in this work. I ftiall there- 
fore conclude with the following particulars, 
which I prefume are fomewhat lefs familiar to the 
general reader, and their accuracy may be de« 
pended on. 

St. Chriftopher lies in 17^ North latitude; it is 
about fourteen leagues in circuit, and contains 
43,726 acres of land, of which about 17,000 
acres are appropriated to the growth of fugar, 
and 4000 to pafturage. As fugar is the only com- 
modity of any account that is raifed, except pro- 
vifions and a little cotton, it is probable, that 
nearly one half the whole ifland is unfit for cuU 



BOOK tivation. The interior part of the country eoa*» 
III. fifts indeed of many nigged precipices, and bar- 
ren mountains. Of tfaefe, the loitieft is Moiwt' 
Mifery (evidently a decayed volcano) which rifiep 
3,711 feet in perpendicular height from the fea. 
Nature, however, has made abundant amends 
for thefterility of the mountains, by the fertility 
fliehas beftowed upon the plains. Noptrtctf 
the Weft-Indies that I have feen poffcflcs even 
the fame fpecies of foil that is founo in St. Chrif*- 
topher^s. It is in general a dark grey loatti, ft 
light and porous as to be penetrable by the flight- 
eft application of the hoe; and I conceive it to 
be the produdion of fubterraneous fires, the 
black ferruginous pumice of naturalifts, Baely 
incorporatea with a pure loam, or virgin moulcf. 
The under ftratum is gravel, from eight to twelve 
inches deep. Clay is no where found, except at 
a coniiderable height in the tnountains. 

By what procefs of nature the foil which I have 
mentioned becomes more efpedally fuited to the 
produdion of fugar than any other in the Weft 
Indies, it i^ neither within my province or abilii- 
ty to explain. The circumftance however, is uni- 
queftionable. Canes, planted in particular fpots, 
have been known to yield 8000 lbs. of Mnfcovai- 
do fugar from a fingle acre. One gentleman, in 
a favourable feafon, made 6,400 lbs. or four hogf^- 
heads of fixteen cwt. each,^^r acre, on an average 
return of his whole crop. It is not however pre- 
tended, that the greateft part, or even a very 
large proporticm of the cane land, throughout 
the iflana, is equally produdive. The general 
average produce for a ferics of years is 16,000 
hogfheads of fixteen cwt. which, as one^half only 
of the whole cane land, or 8,500 acres, is annu- 
ally cut (the remainder being in young canes) 



gives nearly two hogfhead^ of fixteen ewt. Mr 
acre for the whole of the land in ripe cane^ ; . but 
eren this is a prodigious return, not equalled t 
imagine bv any other fugar country in any part 
of the globe. In Jamaica, though fome of the 
chotceft lands may yield in favourable years two 
hogftieads of fizteen cwt. per acre; the cane land 
which is cut annually, uken altogether, does not 
yield above a fourth part as much. 

I am informed, however, that the planters of 
St. Cbriftopher's are at a great ezpence for ma« 
nure ; that they never cut ratwm canes * ; and 
although there is no want in the country of fprings 
and rivulets for the fupport of the inhabitant^ 
their plantations fufier inuch in dry weather, aa 
the fubftratum does not long retain moifture. 

This ifland is divided into nine parifhes, and 
contains four towns and hamlets, viz. Baf&terre 
(the prefent capital, as it was formerly that of 
the French,) Sandy-Point, Old Road and Deep 
Bay. Of thcfe, tne two firft are ports of entry, 
eftablifhed by law. The fortifications confift of 
Charles-Fort, and Brimllone-Hill, both near 
Sandy Point; three batteries at BafTeterre, one 
at Fig-tree Bay^ another at Palmeto-Point, and 
fome finaller ones of no great importance. 

The proportion which St. Chriftopher's con* 
tributes, with the other iflands, towards an ho- 
nourable provifion for the Governor General, is 
^. looo cummcy^^r annum \ which is fettled on 
him by the affembly immediately on his arrival. 
He has befides fome perquifites ; and in time of 
war they arc confiderable. 

Each ifland within this government has a fe- 
parate council, and each of them an affembly, 
or houfe of reprefentatives^ In St. Chriflo- 


* Ratoon canes are ihoots from old roots, aa will be fiilljr 
explained hereafter. 


BOOK pher's, the council ihould confift of ten mem- 
m. bers, but it is feldom that more than feven are 
' prefent. The houfe of affembly is compofed of 
twenty.four reprefentatives, of whom fifteen 
make a quorum. The requifite qualification is 
a freehold of forty acres of land, or a houfe 
worth forty pounds a year. Of the eleftors, the 
qualification is a freehold of tcn^cnindsper an^ 

The Governor of this, and the other iflands 
in the fame government, is chancellor by his 
office, and in St. Chriftophcr fits alone. At- 
tempts have been made to join fome of the 
council with him, as in Barbadoes ; but hitherto 
without fuccefs, the inhabitants choofing rather 
to fubmit to the expenceand delay of following 
the chancellor to Antigua, than fufier the in- 
conveniency of having on the chancery bench 
judges, fome of whom it is probable, firom their 
fituation and connedtions, may be interefted in 
the event of every luit that may come before 

In this ifland, as in Jamaica, the jurifdiftion 
of both the JCing's bench and common pleas^ 
centers in one fuperior court, wherein juftice is 
adminiftered by a chief juftice and four puifne 
judges. The chief is appointed by the crown, 
the others by the governor in the King's name, 
and they all hold their commiffions during plea- 
fure. The office of chief judge is worth about 
£. 600 per annum. The emoluments x>f the af- 
fiftant judges are trifling. 

The prefent number of white inhabitants is 
computed at 4,000, and taxes are levied on 
26,000 negroes, and there are about three hun« 
dred blacks and mulattoes of free condition. 

As in the other Britifh iflands in the neigh- 
bourhood, all the white men from the age of fix- 



teen to fixty are obliged to enlift in the miritia> CHAP, 
and in. this ifland they ferve without pay. They IV. 
form two regiments o^ foot, although the whole ' 
number of eflFedlive men in iach regiment fel- 
dom exceeds thrfee hundred ; but there is like- 
wife a company of free blacks, and this, before 
the late war, ^nftituted the whole of 4he mili- 
tary force within the ifland ; the Britifh govern- 
ment refufing to fend them troops of any kind. 

Of the wifdom of fuch condu£l in Great Bri- 
tain, the reader will be able properly to judge, 
when he is told, that the natural urength of this 
ifland, from the conformation and inequalities 
of its furface, is fuch thatagarrifon of two thou- 
fand cflFeftive troops, properly fuppUed with am- 
munition and provifions, would in all himian 
probability have rendered it impregnable to the 
formidable invafion of 1782. 

With St. Chriftopher's furrendered alfo the 
ifland of Nevis ; from which it is divided only 
hy a fmall channel, and of which I ihall now 
give fome account. 



Section IL 

THIS beatitiful little foot is nothii^ more 
tk«a a fingle moumaiA, ri&ig like a coae in aft 
•aff afoent &om the fea ; the drtoiiifereiite ef 
its ba& iLHit excMdkig eight Etigliih leagued, ft 
ia belieYtd that Golutnbua beftowed t>A it the a^ 
pellation of Nieves^ or Tkt Snow^, ftt>vb h^ tt^ 
femblaiice to 4 moutittm of the ^me name in 
S]^ain ; but it i^ Hot ab iA^b&Me tonje^^mt^ 
that in th6fe days a white fm6ke wa^ fed^ to iflke 
from the fummit, which at a diftance had li fnow-% 
like appearance, and that it derived its name 
from thence. That the ifland was produced by 
fome volcanic ezploiion, in ages long paft, there 
can be no doubt ; for there is a hollow, or cra- 
ter, near the fummit, ftill vifible, which contains 
a hot fpring flrongly impregnated with fulphur ; 
and fulphur is frequently found in fubftance, in 
the neighbouring gullies and cavities of the 

The country is well watered and theland in gene- 
ral fertile, a fmallpropoition towards the fummit of 
the ifland excepted, which anfwcrs however for the 
growth of ground provifions, fuch as vams and 
other efculent vegetables. The foil is fiony ; the 
beft is a loofe black mould, on a clay. In fome 
places, the upper (Iratum is a fliff clay, which 



fiequir^s labour, but properly divided and pul- CHAP, 
verifcd, repays the labour bellowed upon it. ^V. 
The general produce of fugar (its only ftaple ' ^ 
produAion) is one hogfhead of fixteen cwt. per 
acre from all the canes that are annually cut, 
which being about 4000 acres, the return of the 
whole is an equal number of hogfheads, and this 
was the average fixed on by the French govern- 
ment in I '28 2, as a rule for regulating the taxes. 
As at Sti Chriftophcr's the planters feldom cut 
ratoon canes. 

This ifland, fmall as it is, is divided into five 
parifhes. It contains a town called Charles- 
Town, the feat of government and a port of en- 
try, and there are two other Ihipping places, 
called Indian-Caftle and New-Caftle. The prin- 
cipal fortification is at Charles-Town, and is 
called Charles Forti The commandant is ap- 
pointed by the crown, but receives a falary from 
the ifland. 

The government, in the abfence of the Go- 
vemor-General, is adminiftered by theprefident 
of the council* This board is compofed of the 
prefident, and fix other members. The houfe of 
aflembly confifts of fifteen reprefentatives ; three 
for each pariih. 

The adminiftration of common law is under 
the guidance of a chief juftice, and two afliftant 
judgies, and there is an office for the regiftry of 

The prefent number of white inhabitants is 
flated to me not to exceed fix hundred, while the 
negroes amount to about ten thoufand ; a difpro- 
portion which necelTarily converts all fuch white 
men as are not exempted by age and decrepitude, 
into a well-regulated militia, among which there 
is a troop confifting of fifty horfe, w^ell mounted 

Vol. I. E c and 

4j8 histo r y o r th e 

BOOKand accoutred. Engliik forces^ cm the Britilk 
in. eftablifliment, they have none. 

The Englifli firft efiablifhed themfelves in this 
iiland in the year 1628^ under the prote&ion and 
encouragem«[iit of Sir Thomas Warner. Among 
the different elafles of men, who fought to im- 
prove their fortunes in St. Chriftopher's by the 
Eatronage of that enterpriifing leader, it can hardly 
e prefimied that every individual experienced the 
full gratification of his hopes and expedations. 
In all focieties, there are many who will confidar 
themielves unjuflly overlooked and forgotten. 
Of the companions of Warner's earlieft voyages, 
it ia probable that fome would fet too high a va- 
lue on their fer vices, and of thofe who ventured 
afterwards, many would complain, on their arri- 
val, that the befl lands were pre-occupied. To 
foften and temper fuch difcordancy and difquiet, 
by giving full employment to the turbulent and 
feditious, feems to have been one of the moft 
^ important obje^ of Warner's policy. Motives 
of this nature induced him, without doubt, to 
plant a colony in Nevis at foearly a period ; and 
the wifdom and propriety of his firfl regulations 
gave flrength and flability to the fettlement. 

What Warner began wifely, was hajjpily com- 
pleted by his immediate fucceffor Mr. Lake, un- 
der whofe adminifbration Nevis rofe to opulence 
and impo^ance. '" He was a wife man/' fays 
DuTertre, " and feared the Lord." Making this 
ifland the place pf his refidence, it fiourifhed 
beyond example. It is laid, that about the year 
1640, it poflefTed four thoufand Whites : fo pow- 
erfully are mankind invited by the advantages of 
a mild and equitable fyflem of government! 
Will the reader pardon me, if I obferve at the 
fame time, that few fituations in life could have 
afforded greater felicity than that of fuch a go, 



vcmor. Living amidft the beauties of an etet^ CHAP, 
nal fpring, beneath a fky ferene and unclouded^ JV- 
and in a fpot inexpreflibly beautiful (for it is en- ^ 
livened by a variety of the moft enchanting prof- 
peds in the world, m the numerous iflands which 
furround it) but above all, happy in the reflec- 
tion that he conciliated the differences, admi- 
niftered to the neceflxties, and augmented the 
comforts of thoufands of his fellow-cjteatures, all 
of whom looked up to him as their common fa^ 
ther and protedlor ! If there be pure joy on 
earth, it muft have exifled in the bofom of fuch 
a man j while he beheld the tribute of love, gra- 
titude and approbation towards him in every; 
countenance, and whofi heart at the flune time 
told him that he deferved it. 

I am forry that Lmuft prefent the reader witK 
a very different pidhire, m the account that I am 
now to give of Antigua. 

£ e 2 Skction 




Section III. 

ANTIGUA is fituated about twenty leagues' 
to the eaftward of St. Chriftopher's, and was 
'difcovered at the fame time with that ifland, 
bv Columbus himfelf, who named it, from a 
cnurch in Seville, Santa Maria de la Antigua. ' 
We are informed by Ferdinand Columbus, that 
the Indian name was Jamaica. It is a lingular 
circumflance, that this word, which in the 
language of the larger iflands fignified a country 
abounding in fpringSy ihould, in the dialed of 
the Charaibes, have been applied to an iiland 
that has not a fingle fpring or rivulet of frefti 
water in it, . 

This inconvenience, without doubt, as it 
rendered the country iminhabitable to the Cha- 
raibes, deterred for fome time the European 
adventurers in the neighbouring iflands from 
attempting a permanent efiabliihment in Anti- 
gua ; but nature prefents few obftacles which the 
avarice or induftry of civilized man will not 
endeavour to furmourit. The lands were found 
to be fertile, and it was difcovered that ciC- 
ems might be contrived to hold rain-water*. 


* The water thiu preferved is wooderEdlj light, pure, zxA^ 

WEST Indies: ' 41, 

So early as 1632, a few Englifti families took up C HA P. 
lands tliere, and began the cultivation of tobacco. ^V. 
Among thefe was a fon of .Sir Thomas Warner, 
whole defcendants ftill poflefs very confiderable 
property in the ifland, one of them (Afhton 
Warner, Efquire) havii\g bfen, in 1787, prefi- 
dent of the council, and commander in chief in 
the abfence of the governor. 

But it was chiefly to the enterprifing fpirit and 
cxtenfive views of Colonel Codrington, of Bar- 
badoes, that Antigua was indebted for its grow- 
ing profperity and fubfequent opulence. This 
gentleman removing to this ifland about the year 
1674, applied hie knowledge in fugar-planting 
with fuch good effe6l and fucceft, that others, 
anim;|ted by his example, and aflifted by his 
advice and encouragement, adventured in the 
fame line of cultivation. Mr. Codrington was 
fome years afterwards nominated captain general 
and commander in chief of all the leeward Cha- 
raibean iflands, and, deriving from tliis appoint- 
ment, the power of giving greater energy to 
his benevolent purpofes, had foon the happinefs 
of beholding the good effedls of his humanity 
and wifdom, in the flourifhing condition of the 
feveral iflands under his government. 

The profperity of Antigua was manifefled in 
its extenfive population ; for when, in the year 
1690, General Codrington commanded on the 
expedition againfl the French inhabitants of 
St. Chriftopher*8, as hath* been related in the 
hiflory of that ifland, Antigua fumiftied towards 
it no lefs than eight hundred effe^live men : a 
quota, which gives rooiyi to eflimate the whole 
number of its white inhabitants at that time, at 
Hp wards of live thoufaud. 

Mr. Codrington dying in 1698, was fticceeded 
in his govemm^t by his fon Chriflopher; a 



BOOK gendemaa oomeatly diiU&guifhed for his atuun«» 
III. ipents iu polite literature ; and who, treading in 
~ ^ the fame paths as his illnllrious father, gave the 
people under his government the promife of a 
long continuance of felicity. His adminiflra- 
tion> however, terminated at the end of fix 
years; for in 1704 he was fuperfeded (I know 
not on what account) by Sir William Mathews; 
who dying focm after his arrival, the Qgeen 
was pleafed to appoint to the government of this 
and the neighbouring iflands, Daniel Park^ £fq. 
a man whoTe tr^cal end having e^ccited the 
attention of Europe, and fumilhed a leiTon 
for hiftor^ to perpetuate I ihall be excufed for 
entering fomewhat at huge into his conduA and 

Mr, Park was a native of Virginia, and was 
diftinguiflied for his exceffes at a very early time 
of life. Having married a lady ot fortune in 
America, his nrft exploit was to rob his wife 
of her money, and then defert h^. With this 
money he came to England, and obtained a 
return to Parliament; but grofs bribery being 
proved againfl him, he was expelled the houfe. 
His next adventure was to debauch the wife of 
a friend, for which being profecuted, he quitted 
England, and made a campaign with the army 
in Flanders, where he had the fortune to attraa 
the notice, and acquire the patronage of the 
Duke of Marlboroii^h. — III 1704, he attended 
the Duke as one of his aides de camp, and as 
fuch, on the event of the batde of Hochftet, 
having been fent by his Grace to England^ with 
intelligence of that imponant vi<l^ory, he was 
rewarded by the Qgeen with a puj^fe of a thou- 
fand guineas, and her pi&ure richly fct with 
diamonds. The year following, the government 
of the leeward ^and^ becoming vacant, Mr. 



Park» througlithe intereft of his noble patron, GHAP. 
wa6 appointed to fucceed Sir William Mathews IV. 
therein, and he arrived at Antigua in Jnly' 


As he was a native of America^ and liis inte- 
wft wijth the Britifh adminiftration was believed 
to be confiderable, the inhabitants of the Lee- 
ward lilands, who were probably unacquainted 
with hife private chara6ler, received him with 
iingulat refped, and the aiTemblv of Antigua, 
even contrary to a royal inftrudion, add^ a 
thoufand pounds to his vearly income, in order, 
as it was expreffed in tne vote, to relieve him 
from the ezpence of houfe-rent ; m provifion 
which, I believe, has been continued ev^r iince 
to his fuccefibrs in the government. 

The return which Mr, Park thought proper to 
make for this mark of their kindnefs, was an 
avowed and unreftrained violation of all de- 
cency and principle. He feared neither God 
iior man; and it was foon obferved of him, as 
it had formerly been of another deteftable tyrant, 
^hat he fpared no man in hisahger, ttor woman in 
his luft. One of his firft enormities was to 
debauch the wife of a Mr. Chefter, who was 
faflor to the royal African company, and the 
moft confid^rable merchant in the ifknd. Apre- 
hending that The injured hufband might meditate 
revenge, the worthy governor endeavoured to be 
beforehand with him, by adding the crime of 
murder to that of adultery ; for Chefter having 
about this time had the misfortune to kill a 
perfon by accident, his excellency, who had 
raifed a common foldier to the office of provoft- 
marihal, brought him to a trial for his life; 
direfting his inftrument the provoft-marlhal, to 
impanel a jury of certain perfons, fix)m whom 
he doubted not to obtain Chefter's convidion; 



III. and the execution of this innocent and injured 
man would undoubtedly have followed, if ^ the 
evidence in his favour had not proved too 
powerful to be overborne; fo that the Jury were 
compelled to pronoun/ce his acquittal. 

Another of his exploits was an attempt to 
rob the Codrington family of the iiland of Bar- 
buda (of which they had held peaceable pof- 
feflion for thirty years) by calling on them to 
ptove their title before himfelf and his couqcil ; 
a meafure which gave every proprietor reafon to 
apprehend that he had no fecurity for his poiTef- 
^ons but the governor's forbearance. 

He declared that he would fuffer no provoft- 
marihal to ad, who ihould not at all times 
fummon fuch juries as he ihould direft. He 
changed the mode of elefting members to ferve 
in the aflembly, in order to exclude perfons he 
did not like; and not being able by this meafure 
to procure an affembly to his wifti, he refiifed 
to call them together even when the French 
xbreatened an invafion. • 

He entered the houfe of Mr. Chefter, the 
perfon before mentioned, with an armed force, 
and feized tfeveral gentlemen (fome of them, 
the principal men of the iflaad) who were there 
met for the purpofe of good fellowihip, on 
fufpicion that they were concerting meafures 
againft himfelf; moft of whom he fent by his 
own author4ty to the common Jail> and kept 
them there without bail or trial. 

By thele, and a thoufand other odious and 
intemperate proceedings, the whole country 
became a party againft him, and difpatched an 
agent to England to lay their grievance^ before 
the crown, adopting in the firft inftance, all 
moderate and legal means to procure his re- 
moval; but from the delays incident to th^ 



bufiojsfs, the people loft all temper, and beg^ C H A P. 
to conlider forbearance as no longer a virtue, ^^• 
More than one attempt was made ou the gover- 
nor's life, in the l^ft of which he was jjricvoufly, 
but not mortally, wound/ed. Unhappily the ta- 
rious and eiafperati^ ft^te of men^s annJs ad^^ 
mitted of no compronjife, ^nd the ralh impetus 
pus governor was ijot of a dirpofition to ioiteii 
or conciliate, if occafion had oheied.. 

At length, however, inftrU(ftion» came froiji 
the crown direfting Mr. Park to relign las conv 
mandtothe lieutenant governor, ar^d return to 
^England by the firft convenient opportunity; at 
the lan^e time Commiflioners were appointed tp 
take examinations on the fpot, concerning tlie 
complaints whi^rh had been urged againlt his 
pondudjt. It would lav^ been happy if the in»- 
habitants of AjQtigua had borne their fuccelswith 
moderation; but the triumphant joy which they 
joatanifefted, on receipt of the queen's orders^ 
provoked the governor iuto dcliperation. He 
declared that he would continue in the govern- 
ment ill fpite of the inhabitants, and being in- 
formed, that a fhip was about to iail for Europe, 
in which Jie might conveniently have eipbanked, 
he refufed tp leave the country. In the mean- 
while, to convince the people that his firmnefs 
was unabated, and that he ftill confidered him«^ 
felf in the rightful exercife of hi^ authority, he 
ilTued a proclamation to dilTolve the aflembly. 

Matters were now coming faft to ^n ifliie. The 
^(Tembly continued fitting notwithstanding the 
governor's proclamation, and refolved, that, 
having been recalled by hi* fovereign, his con* 
dnuancein the government was ufurpation and 
tyrai^iy, and that it was their duty to take 
charge of- the fafety and peace of th^ Jfland. On 
hearing of this vote, the governor fecretly or- 


BOOK dered a party of Ibldiers to furround them; but 
^^* the affembly having obtained information of his 
^ ~ ' intentiolis, immediately feparated to provide for 
their perfonal fafety. The enfuing night, and 
the whole of the following day, were employed 
in fummonine the inhabitants from all parts of the 
ifland^ to haften to the capital, properly armed, 
to proteft their reprefentatives. It was given out, 
however, that the governor's life was not aimed 
at ; all that was intended, was to tecure his per- 
fon, and fend him from the ifland. 

On Thyrfday the 7th of December 17 10, early 
in the morning, about five hundred men appear- 
ed in arms, in the town of Saint John's, where 
Colonel Park had been making provifion for rc- 
fiftance in cafe of an attack. He had converted 
the government houfe into a garrifon, and fta- 
tioned in it all th6 regular troops that wefein the 
ifland. On the approach of the inhabitants how- 
ever, his courage deferted him. The fight of aa 
injured people, coming forward as one man, with 
deliberate valour, to execute on his perfon that 

Eunifhment which he muft have been confcious 
is enormities well merited, overwhelmed him 
with confiifion and terror. Although he muft 
have been apprized, that his adverfaries bad 
proceeded too far to retreat, he now, for the 
firfttime, when it was too late, hadrecourfeto con- 
ceflion. He difpatched the provoft-marftial with a 
meffage, fignifying his readjnefs to meet the afTem- 
bly at Parham, and to confent to whatever laws 
they fhould think proper to pafs for the good of 
the country. He offered at the fame time to dif- 
mifs his foldiers, provided fix of the principal 
inhabitants would remain witb him as hoftages 
for the fafety of his perfon. The fpeaker of the 
affembly, tind one 01 the members of the coun- 
cil, unwilling to carry matters to the laft extre- 
mityj feemed inclined to a compromife^ and pro- 


W £ S T I N D I £ S. 427 

pofed themfelves as two of the hoftages required CHAP, 
by the governor; but the general body of the ^^* 
people, apprehenfive that further delav might ^"^"^'^ 
De fatal to their caufe, called aloud for immedi- 
ate vengeance ; and inftantly marched forward 
in two divifioQs, One of thefe, led by Mr. Pig- 
got, a member of the afiemblv, taking pofTeffion 
of an eminence that commanaed the government 
houfe, attacked it with great fury. Their fire 
was brifkly returned for a confiderable time, but 
at length the affailants broke into the houfe. 
The governor met them with firmnefs, and ftiot 
Piggot dead with his own hand, but received in 
the fame moment a wound which laid him prof- 
uate. His attendants, feeing him fall, threw 
down their arms, and the enraged populace^ 
feizing the perfon of the wretched governor, 
who was ftill alive, tore him into a thoufand 
pieces, and feattered his reeking limbs in the 
flneet. Befides the governor, an enfign and 
tUrteen private foldiers, who fought in his caufe, 
were killed outright, and a lieutenant and twen- 
ty-four privates wounded. Of the people, thir- 
ty-two were killed and wounded, behdes Mr. 
Piggot. The governor's death inftantly put an 
end to this bloody conflid. 

Thus perifhed, in a general infurredion of an 
infulted and indignant community, a brutal and 
licentious defpot, than whom no ftate criminal 
was ever more defervedly puniftied. He was a 
monfter in wickednefs, and being placed by his 
fituation beyond the reach of ordinary reftraint, 
it was as lawful to cut him off by every means 
poffible, as it would have been tofhoot a wild 
beafl that had broke its limits, and was gorging 
itfelf with human blood. " The people of Eng- 
land (fays an eminent writer^) heard with afto- 


* Uuivcrfal Hiftory, Vol. XLI. 


SOCK nifluhent of Park's untimely fate; but the public 
}^^ were divided in tlieir fentimems; fbme looicing 
upon his death as an aft of rebellion againft the 
crown, and others confidering it as a facrifice to 
liberty. The flagrancy of the perpetration, and 
compaflion for the man, at laft got the better*** 
In the latter ali'ertion however, the writer is clear- 
lymiftaken; for the Englifli government, after 
full inveftigation, was fo thoroughly fatisfied of 
Mr. Park's mifcondud, as to ilfue, much to its ho* 
nour, a general pardon of all perfons concerned 
in his death, and two of the principal aftora 
therein were even promoted fcwne time afterwards 
to feats in the council. 

From this period I clofe my account of the ci- 
vil concerns of Antigua, finding no occurrence 
in its fubfequent hiftory of fuificient importance 
to detain the reader; what remains therefore is 
chiefly topographical, and I hope will \>e found 

Antigua is upwards of fifty miles in cireum* 
ference, and contains 59,838 acres of land, of 
which about 34,000 are appropriated to the 
growth of fugar, and pafturage annexed: its 
^the;r principal ftaples are cotton-wool, and to- 
bacco; to what extent of cultivation I am not 
informed ; and they raife in favourable years 
great quantities of provificMis. 

This ifland contains two difierei^t kinds of 
foil; the one a black mould on afubftratumof 
^lay, which is naturally rich, and when not 
checked by exceffive droughts, to which Anti^? 
gua is particularly fubjedt, very produdlive. The 
other is a ftiff clay on a fubftratum of marU 
It is much lefs fertile than the former, and 
abounds with an inirradicable ki^d of grafs in 
fuch a manner, that many eftates confifting of 
that kind of foil, which were once very profit- 
able, are now fo impoyeriihed an A overgrown 



W E S T I N D I E S. ^9 

With this fort of grafs, as either to be convert- CHAP* 
ed into pafturc land, or to become entirely aban- IV. 
doned. Exclufiveof fuch deferted land, and a^ 
fmall part of the country that is altogether un- 
improvable, every part of the ifland may be faid 
to be under cultivation* 

From the circinnftances that have been relat- 
ed, it is difficult to fumiih an average return of 
the crops, which vary to fo great a degree, that 
the quantity of fugar exported from this ifland 
in fome years, is five times greater than in others; 
thus in 1779 were fliipped 3,382 hoglheads, and 
579 tierces; in 1782 the crop was 15,102 hogf- 
heads, and 1,603 tierces; and in the years 1770, 
1773, and 1778, there were no crops of any 
kind; all the canes being dellroyed by a long 
coatinuance of dry weather, and the whole bo- 
dy of the negroes muft have perifhed for want 
of food, if American veffels with com and flour 
had been at that time, as they now are, denied 

It feems to me on the whole, that the ifland 
has progreflively decreafed both in produce and 
white population. The laft accurate returns to 
government were in 1774. In that year, the 
white inhabitants of all ages and fexes were 
2,5po, and the enflaved negroes 37,808, and I 
believe, that 17,000 hoglheads of fugar of (ix- 
teen cwt. are reckoned a good faving crop. This, 
as one-half the canes only are cut annually, is 
about a hogfliead of fugar per acre for each acre 
that is cut. The produce of 1787 will be given 
hereafter; and I believe it wasayear morefavoura- 
hle to Antigua, in proportion to its extent, than 
to any otW of the Britifli iflands in the W^efl 

A'ntigua is divided into fix pariflies and ele- 
ven difiri£ls, and contains fix towns and villages. 
Saiut John's (the capital,) Parham, Falmouth, 




BOOK Waioughby Bay, Old Road, and James Fort; 
^^' of which, the two firft are legal ports of entry. 
^ — ^No ifland, in this part of the Weft Indies, 
can boaft of fo many excellent harbours. Of 
thcfe, the principal are Englifh harbour and 
Saint John's, both well fortified, and at the fcr- 
mer, the Britifh government has eftabliihed a 
royal navy yard and arfenal, and conveniences 
for careening (hips of war. 

The military eftablifliment generally confifts 
of two regiments of infantry, and two of foot 
militia. There are likewife a fquadron of dra- 
goons, and SL battalion of artillery, both raifed 
in the ifland, and the regulars receive additional 
pay, 1eis in Jamaica. 

It hath been already obferved, that the gover- 
nor or captain general of the leeward Cbarai- 
bean iflands, although dire&edby his inftrudlions 
to vifit occafionally each ifland within his go- 
vernment, is generally flationary at Antigua : he 
is chancellor of each ifland by his office, but 
commonly holds the court in Antigua, and in 
hearing and determining caufesfrom the other 
iflands, prefides alone. In caufes arifiing in An- 
tigua, he is aflifted by his council, after the prac« 
tice of Barbadoes; and, by an adi of the auem- 
bly of this ifland, confirmed by the crown, the 
prefident and a certain number of the council 
may determine chancery caufes during the ab- 
fence of the governor general. The other courts 
of this ifland are a court of king's bench, a 
court of common pleas, and a court of exche- 

The legiflature of Antigua is compofed of the 
commander m chief, a council of twelve mem* 
bers, and an aflfembly of twenty-five; and it is 
very much to its honour that it prefented the firft 
example to the lifter iflands of a melioration of 

3 the 


the criminal law rcfpefting negroe flaves, by CHAP, 
giving the accufed party the benefit of a trial by IV. 
jury : and allowing in the cafe of capital convic- ^*" ^ 
tions four days between the time of fentence and 
execution. And it is flill more to the honour of 
Antigua, that its inhabitants have encouraged, 
in a particular manner, the laudable endeavours 
of certain pious men, who have undertaken, 
from the pureft and bcft morives, to enlighten 
the minds of the negroes, and lead them into 
the knowledge of religious truth. In the report 
of the lords of the committee of council on 
the flave-trade, is an account of the labours of 
the fociety known by the name of the Unit as 
Fratrum (commonly called Moravians^) in this 
truly glorious purfuit ; from which it appears 
that their condu£l in this bu£nefs difplays fuch 
found judgment, breathes fuch a fpirit of genuine 
chriilianity, and has been attended with fuch 
eminent fuccefs,, as to entitle its brethren and 
mifiionaries to the moH favourable reception 
from every man whom the accidents of fortune 
have invefled with power over the poor Afri- 
cans; and who believes (as I hope every planter 
believes) that they are his fellow creatures, and 
of equal importance with himfelf in the eyes 
of an all-feeing and impartial governor of the 
nniverfe. With an abridgement of that account^ 
I fhall clofe the fubjedi of my prefent diffuflkm. 
It is as follows : 

" The church of the tmited brethren have, 
ever fince the year 1732, been a6Hve in preach* 
ing the gofpel to different heatheU naticms in 
many parts of the world, but not with equal 
fuceefs in all places. The method here de« 
fcribed, and made ufe of by the^ miEonariea 
of the faid church, in leading the hegroe-flaves 
in the Wefl Indies to the knowledge and 



BOOK praftice of chriftianity, is foUowed, in all 
^^- points .that are not local, in all the miffions of 
' the brethren* 

After many years unfuccefrful labour, expe- 
rience has taught them, that the plain teftimony 
concerning the death and paffion of Jefus Chrift 
the Son of God, together with its taufe and 
happy confequences, delivered by a miflionary 
touched with an experimental fenfe of it, is the 
fureft way of enlightening the benighted minds 
of the negroes, in order to lead them afterwards 
ftep by ftep into all truth : they therefore 
make it a rule, never to enter into an extenfive 
difcuflion of the doftrines of Ood's being an 
infinite fpirit, of the holy trinity, &c. nor to 
feek to open their underftandings in thofe points, 
until they believe in Jefus, and that the word of 
the crofs has proved itfelf the power of God 
unto (alvation, by the true converfion of their 
hearts. Both in the beginning and progrefs 
of their inftruftions, the miffionaries endeavour 
to deliver themfelves as plainly and intelligibly 
to the faculties of their hearers as poflible ; and 
the Lord has given his blefling even to the moft 
unlearned, that went forth in reliance upon him, 
to learn the difficult languages of the negroes, 
lb as to attain to great fluency in them : one great 
difficulty arifes indeed from the new ideas and 
words neceffary to exprefs the divine truths to 
be introduced into them, but even this has been 
furmpunted through God's grace. 

As it is required of all believers, that they 
prove their faith by their works ; the brethren 
teach, that no habit of fin, in any land or place, 
nor any prevailing cuftom whatever, can be 
admitted as a plea for a behaviour not con- 
formable to the moral law of God, given unto 
all mankind : upon the fulfilment of this, the 



W E S T I N D I E 3. 4JS 

fniflionaries infift every where : every thing that CHAP, 
is accounted decent and virtuous among chrif- I"^* 
tians, is inculcated into the minds of the people ; 
dninkennefs, adultery, whoredom, forcery, theft, 
anger and revenge, and all other works of the 
flefii, as enumerated by our Lord and his Apof- 
ties as proceeding from the heart, being plain 
proofs that man is either unconverted, or again 
rallen into heathenifm and idolatrv, it fidlows 
of courfe, that any one guilty of tnefe things is 
put away from the congregation, and not re-ad- 
mitted before a true and fincere repentance ia 
apparent, and the offence done away : but it is 
not fufficient that the believers abftain from open 
fcandal, their private behaviour in their families, 
and in every occurrence of life, muft evidence 
a thorough change of heart and principles: 
indeed the believing negroes in Antigua, and in 
other places where the brethren have miffions^ 
are fo much under the influence of their mafters^ 
and of a variety of circumftances that attend 
their being flaves, that it may perhaps feem 
more difficult to effeA a change of cuftoms and 
pra£lices, and to enforce a fteady chriftian con- 
dud in all cafes amongft them, than amongfl 
free heathens ; and yet it muft be owned, to the 
praife of God, that this is vifible at prefent in 
many thoufand converted negroes. 

The miffionaries, however, have frequent oc- 
cafions to fee with forrow, how deeply rooted 
the habit of fin, and the tendency to excufe it, is 
in the minds of the negroes ; who, when uncon- 
verted, are particularly given to an unbounded 
gratification of every fenfual luft ; but on this 
very account it becomes the more needful to 
watch, and not to fuffer the leaft deviation from 
the right path to remain unnoticed in the be- 
lievers. It has been before obferved, that ban- 

Vol. I. F f tifm 


BOOK tifinis adimniftered to none, but to fuch in whom 
nL a thorough convcrfion of heart is already per- 
'^^ '^ccivable. As foon as they are confidered as 
candidates for baptifm, they are fubje£l to the 
difcipline of the church, by which if they of- 
fend, and priv,ate admonition and reproof have 
not the defired effeft, they are excluded from the 
fellowlhip of the reft, though they may attend 
public fervice, and every means is ttill feithfuUy 
applied to bring them back. Thus a com- 
municant, in cafe of an offence given, is not 
admitted to the Lord's fupper. This difcipline 
has, by God's bleffing, had fo good an effeft, 
that many a believing negroe would rather fuffer 
the fevereft bodily puniihment than incur it. If 
they confefs their fins, and heartily repent, they 
are willingly, and according to the nature of the 
offence, eitner privately, or in the prefence of a 
part or the whole of the congregation, re-ad- 
mitted to the fellowlhip of the church. The 
believing negroes are not fuffered to attend any 
where, where the unconverted meet for the fake 
of feafting, dancing, gaming, &c. and the ufual 
plea of not entering into the finful part of 
thefe diverfions, is never admitted, inafmuch 
as the leaft ftep towards vice and immorality, 
generally plunges them by degrees into grofs 
fins. Tne hankering after the vain traditions 
of their forefathers, is confidered as a falling off 
from that love to the Lord JefUs and his doc- 
trines, which once prompted them to forfake all 
ungodlinefe, and devote themfelves unto God ; 
and if they perfift in evil ways, the faithfuhiefs 
due to the reft of the flock on the part of the 
miffionaries demands their feparation, left they 
feduce others. 

The polygamy of the negroes has caufed no 
fipfiall embarraflment to the mifiionaries. The 



following 18 a fhort account of the brethren's CHAP, 
manner of treating thena in this particular: ^V. 
When a negroe man or woman applies as above '^'^nr^^ 
defcribed, to be baptized or received into the 
congregation, ftrid enquiry is made concerning 
every circumftance attending bis or her iituation 
and connexions in life. If it is found that a 
man has more than one wife, the queftion arifes, 
how the brethren have to advife him in this par* 
ticular : St. Paul fays, " if any brother hath a 
wife that believeth not, and that is yet an 
heathen, and fhe be pleafed to dwell with him, 
let him not put her away," i Cor. 7. 21; but 
again he fays, ^^ a bifhop muft be blamelefs, the 
huiband 0/ one wife," i Tim. 3. 2. We read of 
no further precept in the holy fcriptures con* 
ceming this fubjeft ; the brethren therefore were 
of opinion, that the mif&onaries ihould keep 
ftridly to the following refplutions : 

I. That they could not compel a man, who 
bad before his converfion, taken more than one 
wife, to put away one or more of them, without 
Her or their content. 

n. But yet, that they could not appoint 
fuch a man to be a helper or fervant in the 
church; and 

III. That a man who believeth in Chrift, 
if he marry, (hould take only one wife in mar- / 

riage, and that he is bound to keep himfelf only 
to that woman, till death parts them. 

The inftances that a man has three wives are 
few; all miflrefies muft of courfe be put away 
without exception ; beiidesthis, the miiiionaries 
lofe no opportunity of inculcating into the minds 
of the married people, how to walk in this ftate 
conformable to the rules laid down in holy writ, 
and every deviation from them is feverely cen^r 
f f z fured. 



BOOK fured. If any baptized man leaves his wife, and 
HI. takes another, and takes one or more wives be- 
fides the firft, or in cafe he has had two, and 
one dies, and he fhould marry another, he is 
excluded the fellowlhip of the church. Neither 
can the brethren admit of the heatheniih cuf* 
toms in courting a wife, but they expe6l, that 
in cafe a believer wifh to marry, he do all things 
in a decent and chriftian manner : it is of courfe 
expected that all baptized parents educate their 
children in the fear of the Lord, fhewing them 
a good example. If by a fale of negroes by 
au^ion, or in any other way, wives are torn 
from their hxifbands, or hufbands from their 
wives, and carried off to diftant iflands, though 
the brethi*en do not advife, yet they cannot 
hindeir a regular marriage with another perfon, 
efpecially, if a family of young children, or 
other circiunftances, leem to render an help* 
mate necefiary ; and, as ismoftly the cafe, no 
hopes remain of the former ever returning. A 
certificate of baptifm is given to every baptized 
negro, that muft thus leave the congregation ; 
«nd there have been inftances, that by their 
godly walk and converfation in diftant parts, 
they have caufed others to hearken to their 
word, and believe. 

Though all the above injundions are of fuch 
a nature, that they not only war againft their 
heathenifh propenfities, but even againft what 
fofne might call excufable indulgencies ; yet it 
is a h(k, that at this prefent time, fbme thou- 
fand negroes in Antigua, and other iflands, fub- 
mit to them with wilUngnefs. 




The number of converted Negro flaves under CHAP, 
the care of the brethren, at the end of the year ^^• 
1787, was, ' 

In Antigua, cxa&ly . - - 5,465 

In St. Kitt's, a new miffion * 80 
In Barbadoes and Jamaica, a- 

bout 100 

In St. Thomas, St. Croix, and 

St. Jan, about - - - 10,000 

In Surinam, about . . « . 400 

^ Still living In the Weft Indies 

and Surinam - - - - 16,045 

as nearly as can be afcenained 

from the lateft accoxmts." 

Section IV. 


OF this li^le ifland, neither the extent nor 
the importance demands a very copious difcuf- 
fion. It was difcovered at the fame tuqie with St. 
Chriftopher's, and derived its name from a fup-^ 
pofed refemblance which Columbus perceived in 
the face of the coimtry, to a mountain of thci 
fame name near Barcelona. 

The name was all that was beftowed upon it 

by the Spaniards. Like Nevi^ it was firft planted 

by a limll colony from St. Chriftopher's, de. 

tached in 1632 from the adventurers under War- 

2 ner. 


BOOK iv^* Their fq)aratioii appears indeed to ht^e 
II r. been partly occaiioned by local attachments and 
' religious difTeniions ; which rendered their fitur 
ation in St. Chriftopher^s uneafy, being chiefly 
natives of Ireland, of the Romifh perfuafion. 
The fame caufes^ however, operated to the aug- 
mentation of their numbers; lor fo many perfons 
of the fnime country and religion adventured thi- 
ther foon after the firft fettlement, as to create a 
white population which it has never fmce pofTef- 
fed ; if it be true, as afferted by Oldmixon, that 
at the end of fizteen years there were in the iiland 
upwards of one thoufaod white fkmilies^ confti* 
tuting a militia of three hundred and fixty eflec** 
tive men^ 

The civil hiftory of this little iflaud containa 
nothing very remarkable. It was invaded by a 
French force in 1 7 1 2, and fuffered fo piuch from 
the depredations of that armament, that aij arti- 
cle was inferted in the treaty of Utrecht for ap- 
pointing commiflioners to enquire into the da- 
mages; which however were not made good to 
the fufferers. It was again invaded, and with 
inoft of the other iflands captured by the French 
in the late war^ and reftored with the reft. 

Nothing therefore remains but to furnifh the 
reader with an account of its prefent ftate in re- 
fpc6i of cultivation, produ&ions, and exports. 

Montferrat is about three leagues in length, 
and as manv in breadth, and is- fuppofed to con- 
tain about tKirty thoufand acres of land; of which ' 
almoft two thirds are very mountainous, or very 
barrel. The land in cultivation is appropriated 
nearly as follows. In fugar, &x, thol^falid atres i ' 
In cotton, provifions, and pafturage, two thou- 
jand-each. None other of the tropidal ftaples 
are raifed. Its average crop from 1784 to 1^88, ' 


were 2,737 hogftieadsof fugar of fixteen hundred CHAP, 
weight, 1,107 puncheons of rum, and 275 bales ^^ 
of cotton. The exports of 1787, and their va- ' 
lue at the London market, will be feen in a table 
annexed to this chapter. They are produced by 
the labour of one thoufand three hundred whites, 
and about ten thoufand negroes. 

The government is adminiftered in this, as in 
the other iflands, by a legiflature of its own, uu- 
der the captain general. The council confifts of 
fix members, and the affembly of eight, two from 
each of the four diftrifts into which it is divided ; 
and the proportion which Montferrat contributes 
to the falary of the captain general is /C-4oo j>er 

Section V. 

OF the Virgin Iflands I have fo few particu- 
lars to communicate, that I fear the reader will 
accufe me of inattention or idlenefs in my 
refearches. I have, however, folicited informa- 
tion of thofe who I thought were mod likely to 
afford it; but if my enquiries were not flighted, 
my expeftations were not gratified. Even in a 
late hiftorical account by Mr. Suckling, the chief 
juftice of thefe iflands, I find but little of which' 
I can avail myfelf. It fumiflies no particulars 
concerning their extent, their cultivation, or their 
commerce. It is filent as to the number of their 



BOOK prefent Englifh inhabitants. The author is even 
ni. mifinfonned as to the origin of their prefent 
name ; for he fuppofes that it was beftowed upon 
them in 1580, by Sir Francis Drake, in honour 
of Qtieen £lizafa»eth ; but the hSt is, that thefe 
iilands were named Las Virgines,, by ColuQibus 
himfelf, who difcovered them in 1493, and gave 
them this appellation, in allufion to a well-known 
legend in the Romifh ritual. 

The Spaniards of thofe days, however, thought 
them unworthy of further notice. A century af- 
terwards (1596) they were vifited by the Earl of 
Cumberland, in his way to the attack of Porto 
Rico, and the hiftoriau of that voyage calls them 
** a knot of little iflands wholly uninhabited, 
" fandy, barren, and craggy.'* The whole group 
may comprehend about forty iflands, iflots, and 
keys, and they are divided at prefent between the 
Englifli, the Spaniards, and Dan^s. The Englilh 
hold Tortola, and Virgin Gorda *, Jofvan Dykes, 
Guana Ifle, Beef and Thatch Iflands, Anegada, 
Nichar, Prickly Pear, Camana's, Ginger, Coop- 
er's, Salt Ifland, Peter's Ifland, and feveral others 
of little value. The Danes poffefs St. Thomas, 
with about twelve fmaller iflands dependent 
thereon, and the Spaniards claim Crab Ifland, 
the Green or Serpent Ifland, the Tropic Keys, 
and Great and Little Paflfage. 

The firft poflfeflTors of fuchof thefe iflands as now 
belong to the Britifli government, were a party of 
Dutch Bucanierswho fixed themfelves at Tortola 
(in what year is not recorded) and built a fort 
there for their prote6lion. In 1666, they were 
driven out by a ftrongcr party of the fame adven- 
turers, who, calling themfelves Engliflti, pretended 
to uke poflei&on for the crown of £ngl»d, and 

* This lad is likewiie caUed Fennifion, and comipdj 
Spaniih Town. 


W £ $ T I N D I E 1 441 

the Englifh monarch, if he did not commiflion CHAP. 
the enterprize, made no fcniple to claim the be- IV. 
nefit of it ; for Tortola and its dependencies ' 
' were foon afterwards annexed to the Leeward 
Ifland government, in a commiflion granted by. 
King Charles II. to Sir William Stapleton, and 
I believe that the Englifh title, has remained un* 
impeached from that time to this. 

The Dutch had made but little progrefs in 
cultivating the country when they were expelled 
from Tortola ; and the chief merit of its fubfe- 
c^uent improvements was referved for fome Eng- 
hih fettlers from the little ifland of Anguilla, 
who, about a century pafl, embarked with theij? 
families and fettled in the Virgin Iflands. Their 
wants were few, and their government fimple 
and unexpcnfive. The deputjr governor, with 
a council nominated from among themfelves, ex« 
ercifed both the legiflative and jiidicial authority, 
determining in a fummary manner, without a, 
jury, all queflions between fubjed and fubjed ; 
ana as to taxes, there feem to have been none 
laid : when money was abfolutdy necefTary for 
public ufe, itwasraifed, Ibdlieve, by volunury 

Under fuch a fyflem, it was impoflible that the 
colony could attain to much importance, k 
wanted the advantage of Englifh capitals ; but 
credit is fparingly given where payment caonot 
eafdy be enforced. The inhabitants therefore^ 
whole numbers in 1 756^ amounted to 1,263 whites^ 
and 6,121 blacks^ reafonably hoped to be put 
on the fame footing with the fifter iflands, by the 
eflablifhment of a perfed civil government, and 
conflitutional courts of juflice among them; but 
in this expe&ation they were not gratified until 
the year 1 7 73. In that year, they prefented an hum- 
ble petition to the captain goieral of the Lee* 

. ward 


BOOK ward Ifland government, requefting his Excellen- 
^^ cy to unite with them in an application to his Ma« 
"^ jefty, forpermiffion to eledl an affembly of repre- 
fentatives out of the freeholders and planters, in 
order that fuch affembly, with the governor aad 
council, might frame proper laws for their peace, 
welfare, and good government ; fledging tkem- 
JilveSy in that ca/cj to grant to kts Majejiy^ his 
heirs and fuccejforsy an impoji of four and a half 
per centum, in fpecie, upon all goods and commo^ 
dities the growth of thefe iflands, fmilar to that 
which was paid in the other Leeward I/lands. 

Their application (thus fweetened) proved fuc- 
cefsfiil. It was fignified to them that his Majefty, 
folly confidering the perfons, clrcumllances, and 
condition of his faid Virgin Iflands, and the ne- 
ceflity there was, from the then ftate of their 
cukure and inhabitancy, that fome adequate and 
perfeft form of civil government fhould be efta- 
bliftied therein ; " and finally tmlUng that his . 
*5 faithfol fubjeds in his faid Virgin Iflands, who 
^ Ihould tompofe the new affembly, would, as 
^ xh\ firft aft of- legiflation, cheerfully make 
•'.^bodtKe engagement of granting to his Ma- 
" jefty^ his heirs and fucceffors, the impoft of 
^ four ixvi a half per centum, on all the pro- 
^ duce 6f the Virgin Iflands, to be raifed and 
^' paid in the fame manner as the four and a 
^ half per centum is made payable in the other 
" Leeward IflandSy^ did caufe his royal pleafure 
to be fignified to the governor in chief, that he 
ftiould iflflie writs in his Majefty's name, for 
6onvening an affembly or houfe of reprefenta- 
tives, who, together with a council, to be com- 
|Jofed of twelve perfons^ to be appointed by the 
governor for thai purpofe, niight frame and pafs 
iuch laws as flioild be neceflary for t^e Welfare 
and good go venyn^t of , the faid Iflands. 
^ ' Accordingly 


Accordingly, on the 30th of November, 1 773, CHAP; 
the* goveJuoi* in chief of the Leeward Iflands, in IV. 
obedience to his Majefty'ft order, iflued a procla- 
mation for convening an alTembly or houfe of re- 
prefentatives of the Virgin liknas; who met on 
the ift of February following, and very honour«- 
ably complied with their engagement to the 
crown; the very firft a6k paiTed by them bemg 
.the grant before mentionea of four and a haU* 
per centum, on the produce of the colonv for 
ever. They afterwards paffed a grant of ^.400 
currency per annum, as their proportion towards 
the falary of the governor general. 

Such was the price at which the Virgin Iflands 

{)urchafed the eftablifliment of a conftitutional 
egiflature. If it be difficult to reconcile this 
precedent with the do£lrines which have been 
maintained in the cafe of Grenada, it may per-, 
haps be faid (as I believe the fad was) that the 
inhabitants of thefe iflands were unapprifed of 
the rights which they inherited as Britifh fub- 
jefts, when they voluntarily propofed to fubjedl 
themfelves and their pofterity to the tax in quef- 
tion for permiflion to enjoy them ; and their pof- 
terity may perhaps difpute the authority which 
their forefathers exercifed on this occafion. 

The chief, and almoft the only (laple produc- 
tions of thefe iflands are fugar and cotton. Of 
the quantity of land appropriated to the cultiva- 
tion of either, I have no account, nor can I ven- 
ture even to guefs, at the quantity of unimprov- 
ed land which may yet be brougnt into cultiva- 
tion : the exports of 1787 will prefently be given, 
and I have only to add, that they were railed by 
t)ie labour of about one thoufand two hundred 
whites, and nine thooland blacks. 





HAVING fo far treated of the f<?vcral if- 
lands which conftitute what is called the Leeward 
Ifland Government, as they ftand diftinA from 
each other, I clofe my account, as in former caf- 
es, with an auth^tic Table of their Returns for 
1787; after which, I ihall, as propofed, offer a 
few obfervations on drcumftances which are com- 
mon to them all. 










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IN furveying thefe iflands coUeftivcly, the CHAP, 
circumftance that firft prefents itfelf to notice is ^^ 
the burthen of the four and half per centum on ^-^"^*' 
their exported produce, to which they are all 
fubjeft equally with Barbadoes, and which, 
though granted by their own affemblies, was in 
mod other cafes, as well as the Virgin iflands, 
the price of a conftitutional legiflature, and a 
communication of the common privileges of Bri- 
tiih fubjefts. 

It would without doubt be fatisfaftorv to the 
reader to be fumifhed with an account of the net 
produce of this duty, and the particulars of its 
oifjpofal ; but no fuch information, to my know- 
ledge, has of late years been given to the public. 
The laft return that I ampofTefled of, is dated fo 
long ago as the year 1735. From thence it ap- 
pears, that the whole money coUefted on ac- 
count of this duty, both in Barbadoes and the 
Leeward Iflands, in twenty-one years, (from 
Chriftmasi7i3 to Chriftmas 1734) amounted to 
j^- 326,529. 2J. 3rfiJliJ^rting, of which it is fhame- 
Jul to relatethatTfii^irt9«r*Jihan/[. 140,032. 13J. 5rff. 
was paid into f hi BHtifh Exchequer ; upwards of 
£. 80,000 having been retained in the Iflands for 
the charges of coUefting, and /[. 105,000 more, ex- 
pended in Great Britain in the payment of freight, 
duties, commiflions, fees of office, and other 
claims anddedudions^. 

From the net money paid into the exchequer 
on account of this duty, the Governor General 
of thefe iflands receives a falary of £. 1,200 fterl. 
(cxclufive of the feveral fums granted him by the 


* Some years after this, a new mode of collefting the du- 
ties was, I believe, adopted, which rendered the tax mo^e 
produftire to government. 

448 HIST 0-* Y O F THE 

BOOK colonial afTemblies *) and I believe that falaries 
HI- are allowed from the lame fund to the lieutenant 
general, and the feveral lieutenant governors. I 
have been informed too, that the governors of 
the Bahama and Bermudas iflands are likewife 
paid out of this duty. The balance which re- 
mains, after thefe and fome other dedu£tions are 
made, is wholly at the king's difpofaL 

But it is impoffible not to obferve, that al- 
moft all the iflands within this government, as 
well as Barbadoes, have been, for many years 
pstft, progreflivelyon the decline; and it is ttiere- 
tore prolwible that the prefent net produce of this 
duty is not more than fufficient to defray the fe- 
veral incumbrances with which it is loaded. The 
negroes indeed have been kept up, and even aug- 
mented, bypurchafe, becaufe, as the lands have 
become impo verilhed, they have required a great- 
er expence of labour, to make them any way pro- 
duAive; but as the returns have not encreafed 
in the fame degree, nothing could have faved the 
planters from ruin, but the advanced price of 
fugar in the markets of Epjop^. 

It appears from authen|^CTaccdunts laid before 
parliament, that the import of fugar into Great 
Briuin from all the Britifh Weft Indies (Jamaica 
excepted) has decreafed, in the courfe of twenty 
years, from 3,76z,8o4 cwt. to 2,563,228 cwt.t 
The difference in value, at a medium price, cannot 
be lefs than ^.40o/x)0 fterling, and it will be found 
to have fallen chiefly on thofe iflands, which are 


•Thcfc grants arc as follow. Antigua and St. Chriflo- 
pher's £. 1000 currency each. Nevis £, 400. l^ntfer- 
lat £. 400. Virgin lilanils;^ . 400. The ufual rate of ex- 
change is 1 65 per cent. Thefe fums therefore, added to £. 1 200 
fterling, paid out of the exchequer, make his whole ialarjr 
£» 3O00 fterling per annum. 

t Being the average of two periods, the firfl from 1773 to 
1775, tktffcon^&om 178810 2792. 

W £ S T I N D I E S. 449 

fiibjefl to the duty in queftion; to the effefts ofCH AP* 
which, therefore, the deficiency muft be chiefly IV. 
attributed; for being laid, not on the land, but^ 
on the produce of the land, it operates as a tax 
on induftry, and a penalty which falls heavieft 
oh the man who contributes moft to augment the 
wealth, commerce, navigation, and revenues of 
the mother country. It is confidered by the plan- 
ters as equal to ten per cent, on the net produce of 
their eftates for ever. Under fuch a burthen, 
which, while it opprefles the colonies, yield a 
profit of no great confideration to the crown, 
they have been unable to ftand a competition with 
the Britifh planters in the other iflands, and have 
been ftill more deprefled by the rapid growth, 
and extenfive opulence of the French colonies in 
their neighbourhood. Thus a check has been 
given to tl^e fpirit of improvement, and much of 
that land which, though fomewhat impoverifhed 
by long cultivation, would ftill, with the aid of 
manure, contribute greatly to the general returns, 
is abandoned, becaufe the produce of the pooreft 
foil, is taxed as high as that of the moft fertile* 

To the lofs arifing from a decreafe of produce, 
accompanied with an increafe of contingent ex- 
pences, muft be added the ruinous effefts of cap. 
ture in the late American war. The damages 
fuftamed in St.Chriftopher^s alone, by De Craffe^s 
invafion in 1782, from the deftruftion of negroes 
and cattle, and the burning of the canes, were 
eftimated at £. 160,000 fterling, which fum was 
made up to the fufFerersby a poll-tax on theflaves, 
of no "lefs than forty ftiillings. The annual taxes 
for defraying the current charges of their inter- 
nal governments, in all the iQands, are alfo ex- 
cecdii^ly burthenfome ; befides parifli taxes for 
the repair of the roads, the maintenance of the 
clergy, and the relief of the poor. 

Vol. I. Gg But., 


But, under all thefe and the other difcourage- 
ments which are felt by the pi*oprietors, the wealth 
which ftill flows from thefe little dependencies 
into the mother country, muft fill every refledl- 
ing mind with furprife and admiration. An ex- 
tent of cultivated territory, not eaual to one- 
tenth part of the county ot Effex, adding yearly 
one million and a half to the national income, is 
a circUmftance that detnonftrates beyond all ab- 
ftraft reafoning, the vaft importance to Great 
Britain of having fugar iflands of her own. At 
the fame time, it is both amufing and inftruftive 
to confider how little the prefent returns frpm 
thefe iflands arie anfwerable to the hopes and^ex- 
peftations of their firft European poflfeflfors; or 
rather it afibrds an animated illuftration of the 
wifdom of Providence, which frequently renders 
the follies and weakneflfes of man produ&ive of 
good. Tlie firft Englifli adventurers were influ- 
enced wholly by the hop^s of opening a golden 
fountain, fimilar to that which was flowing from 
Peru and Mexico into Spain. The nation was 
told of countries where the mountains were com- 
pofed of diamonds, and the cities built wholly of 
ingots of gold. Such were the dreams of Caoot, 
Frobiftier, and Gilbert, and it is a lamentable 
difplay of the power of avarice on the human 
mind, to behold the wife and learned Raleigh be- 
wildered in the fame folly! Experience has at 
length correfted this frenzy, ana Europe is now 
wife enough to acknowledge that gold and filver 
have only an artificial and relative value; that 
induftry alone is real wealthy and that agricul- 
ture and commerce are the great fources of natio- 
nal profperity. 

The produce of thefe iflands however, though 
of fuch Value to the mother country, . is raifed at 
an expence to the cultivator, which perhaps is 

^ " o * not 


not equalled in any other purfuit, maayconntry CHAP. 
Of the globe. It is an expeace too, that is per- ^V- 
maaent and certain; while the retoirns are more "^ • ^ 
variable and flu^ating than any other; owing 
to calajniti^j to which thefe countries are ex- 
pofed, both from the hands of God and man ; and 
K 16 mournful to add, that the felfifh or miftaken 
policy of man is fometimes more deftrudiive than 
even the anger of omnipotence ! 

At the time that I write this, the humanity of 
the Britiih nation is tremblingly alive to the real 
or ^itiousdiftrefies of the Atrican labourers in 
thefe and the other iflands of the Weft Indies: 
And tW holders and employers of thofe people 
feem to be marked out to the public indigna- 
tion for profcription and ruin. So ftrong and 
univerfal a fympathy allows no room for the fo- 
ber exercife of reafon, or it would be remember- 
ed, that the condition of that unfortunate race^ 
muft depend greatly on the condition and cir- 
<umftances of their owners. Oppreffion towards 
the principal, will be felt with double force by 
his dependants, and the blow that wounds the 
Bufter, will estersiiinate the flave. 

The propriety of thefe remarks will be feen 
in fubfequent parts of my work, when I come 
in courfc to treat of the Ikve trade and flavery ; 
and to coniider the coramwtrial fyftem of Great 
Britain towards hw Weft Indian dependenicies, . 
of which I have now compleated the catalogue. 
Here then I might clofe the third book of my 
hiftory, but it has probably occurred to the 
reader, that I have omitted the two governments 
of Bahama and Bermudas ^ ^ to which indeed it 
G g z wa# 

•* Ihxft ali^ ptflod ov^ unnoticed' the "fiQall ifljm^s pf^ 
Anpiilla and Barbuda, as beins: of too Uttle ixnportar..^ to 
merit patticular defcription. The former belongs to the Lee* 
ward liland GoremmeAt; the kUKtr is th^tmxt ^xo^«\vs ^ 
the Coiiing^on funUX'^ ' " 


BOOK w^ my inteaiion, when I began my work, t* 
i^^' apprppriate a diftinft chapter. An examination 
Qt' my materials has induced me to alter my pur- 
pofe; finding inyfelf poffeffed of fcarce any me- 
morials concerning the civil hiftory of thofe 
iflands, that are not given in the numerous geo* 
graphical treatifes with which the fhelves of the 
boojkfellers are loaded. To repeat therefore what 
may be found in books that are always at hand, 
were to manifeft difrefpeA to the reader, and dif» 
regard to myfelf. Ofthe^r^n/ftate of the Bahama 
illandsy I need not be afhamed to acknowledge my 
ignorance, inafmuch as even the lords of the comr 
mittee of council for the affairs of trade and plan- 
tations, were unable to obtain fatisfadiory infor- 
mation concerning it. To their lordlhips enquiries 
as to the extent of territory in thofe iflands, — the 
quantity of land in cultivation,^ — ^the number of 
white inhabitants, — productions and exports, &c 
the only anfwer that could be obtained from the 
Governor was this, that it was impoJfihU to afcer^ 
tain any of thofe particulars at preftnt. It ap- 
pears, however, from the teftimony of other 
perfons, that thefe iflands in general are. rocky 
gnd barren; that the only article cultivated for 
exportfition is cotton, of which the medium ex- 
port is fifteen hundred bags of two cwt. ; that 
the inhabitants (who in 1773 confifted of two 
thoufand and fifty-two whites, and two thoufand 
two hundred and forty-one blacks) have been of 
late years confiderably augmented by emigrants 
from North America; but of their prefent num- 
bers no precife account is given. 
: Concerning Bermudas, Governor Brown is 
more explicit. From his an/wers to their Lord- 
fliips queries, it appears that they contain from 
\welvd to thirteen thoufand acres of very poor 
^ • land. 



. land, of which nine parts in ten are either "un-G H A R 
tnhivated, or referved in woods for the fupply- iv. 
ing of timber for building Imall Ihips, floops, ^^-nr^ 
and (hallops for fale; this being in truth the prin- 
cipal occupation and employment of the inhabi- 
tants; and the veffels which they furnifh, being 
built of cedar, are light, buoyant, . and unex- 

Of the land in cultivation, no part was appro- 
priated to any other purpofe than that of railing 
Indian com, and efculent roots and vegetables (of 
which a confiderable fupply is fent to the Weft 
Indian Ifiands) until the year 1785, when tl^ 
growth of cotton was attempted, but with no great 
fuccefs, there not being at prefeat more than two 
hundred acres applied in this line of culture. 

The number of white people of all ages in 
Bermudas is five thoufand four hundred and fix- 
ty-two ; of blacks four thoufand nine hundred 
and nineteen*. 


* It were an zd of great injuftice to the inhabitants of 
Bermudas, to omit the very honourable tellimony which Go- 
vernor Brown has tranfmitted to Government, concerning 
their treatment of their negro flaves. " Nothing ^he ob- 
fcrvesj can better fhew the ftate of flavery in Bermudas than 
the behaviour of the blacks in the late war. There were at 
one time bttween fifteen and twenty privateers fitted out from 
hence, which were panly manned by negro flaves, who be- 
haved both as failors and marines irreproachably -, and when* 
ever they were captured, always returned, if it was in their . " 
power. There were feveral inllances wherein they had been 
condemned with the vefiel and fold, and afterwards found 
meant to eibape*/ and through maxiy difficuhies and hard- ^ 

fiiipt returned to their mailers fervice. In the ihip Regula- 
tor, a privateer, there were feventy flaves. She was taken 
and caried into Bofton. Sixty of them returned in a flag of 
truce dire^ly to Bermudas. Nine others returned by the way 
of New York. One only was mifiing, who died in the 
cruiae, or in captivity." 

Report of the Privy Council on the Slave Trade. Part III. 


HISTOftY or. &c 

BOOK Thns it appears that the lands becioine led fer- 
III- tile as we recede from the tropics, aiid Ttrcte 
therevUOt, as there certainly is, an nnacMunta^ 
ble propeufity in the greater part of mankind, 
to underrate what they have in adual pofiefiEkm, 
it would require but little effort to cbnvince the 
public of the vaft importance of our Weft Indi- 
an dependencies ; of which the progreffivc growth 
has now been traced from the firft fi^tlemcnt. 
What remains is to convey that convi&ion to 
the Engliih reader. This then, after taking a 
curfory furvey, for the gratification of curiofity, 
of the prefent inhabitants and the fyftem of agri- 
culture, will be the chief endeavour of the fab-r 
fequent volume. 





f^ Soon after the preceding pages were prints 
ed^ the Author received from Jamaica the 
Catalogue (mentioned in page 189 of this 
volume) of exotic plants in the very magni- 
ficent garden of the late Hinton Eaft, Efq. 
in that IJland^ which being equally curious 
and accurate^ he has now the fatisfaSlion 
of prefenting it to his Readers entire. 

Plantae numerofii&mae quibus obveftit globum terraquewH 
Deus optimiis maximus, funt totidem documenta in- 
finitse (apientiap, nat^e i|i ^oriain fui Creatoris, et in 
coinmodum hominis, cujus eft eas intueri. 

AMCEN. ACAD, vol vi. p. 4a 






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